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University of California • Berkeley 

The Peter and Rosell Harvey 
Memorial Fund 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2011 





Vol. I. 1531-1800. 



Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1884, by 


In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington- 

All Rights Reserved. 


The territorial basis of the present work, fourth in 
the completed series, and entitled History of the 
North Mexican States, corresponds to the modern 
Texas, Coahuila, Durango, Chihuahua, New Mexico, 
Sinaloa, Sonora, Arizona, and the two Californias; 
but the history of New Mexico, Arizona, and Upper 
California is here given only in the briefest outline, 
because fully treated in separate works. To the 
eastern provinces of Texas and Coahuila much less 
space proportionately is devoted than to regions fur- 
ther w T est; somewhat more to Chihuahua and Sonora 
than to Durango and Sinaloa in the south; and Baja 
California, by reason not only of its geographic posi- 
tion but of its historic importance, receives more 
attention than its rank in modern times alone would 
justify. These provinces are variously grouped at 
successive epochs as is required for clearness and con- 
venience of presentment; but of each it is the author's 
aim to portray in all desirable detail the earliest annals 
of discovery, exploration, conquest, and conversion; 
while later periods of routine development are not 
neglected, though treated on a different scale. Maps 
are introduced somewhat more plentifully than else- 
where to show the advance of Spanish dominion north- 
ward; and as usual a large amount of statistical, de- 



scriptive, bibliographic, and explanatory- matter is 
added to the references in foot-notes. The work con- 
of two volumes, of which the first brings the 
>rd down to the end of the eighteenth century. 
This territory has been treated on a general scale, 
as part of a great nation, in a preceding work of the 
series; but the plan requires a more minute treat- 
ment of the northern regions; and it is deemed better 
to add two volumes of provincial annals than to cor- 
respondingly increase the bulk of such matter in a 
national History of Mexico. It is not, however, 
solely to meet the requirements of an arbitrary plan 
that the north receives more attention than the south. 
The history of the former is not only more interesting 
and important, but it has left records much more 
complete. And so nearly in parallel grooves ran the 
current of affairs in different Hispano- American com- 
munities that southern provincial history, unrecorded 
for the most part, may in many phases be studied in- 
directly yet with profit in that of the north. Even 
here it is not possible to form an uninterrupted chain 
of events in each province and for each period ; nor is 
it desirable, for such a record would be bulky, weari- 
some, and unprofitable — an almost endless repetition 
<>i* similar petty happenings under like conditions. 
But the inter-provincial likeness noted, while it ex- 
cuses the historian from following the thread of minor 
occurrences in all the provinces, also suggests the de- 
si lability of such minute treatment in one of them at 
least, in order that the record of one may reflect that 
of the rest, just as northern history in a sense throws 
light upon the south. The suggestion is followed, 
but for this purpose a country still farther north is 


chosen, Upper California, for which original data are 
beyond all comparison most copious, and whose his- 
tory will be extensively supplemented by local annals. 
Thus it is intended that the subdivisions of the his- 
torical series shall not only be complete each in its 
own sphere, but that each shall be so connected with 
the others as to make of all a symmetrical whole. 

From the beginning these regions attracted special 
attention from the Spaniards. Thence came to eager 
ears never-ceasing reports of great cities, civilized 
peoples, inexhaustible wealth, interoceanic straits, and 
all the marvels of the Northern Mystery. Thither 
stretched the broadest field for exploration and ad- 
venture; and here were found the richest deposits of 
natural treasure. It was a country of bitter warfare 
and bloody revolts; but there were tribes that made 
an enviable record for honor and good faith as well as 
for bravery; and even the conquerors in most parts 
marked their advance with atrocities somewhat less 
fiendish than in the south. This was preeminently 
the mission field of America, where the Jesuits and 
Franciscans made their grandest efforts with the best 
results, and where their system may be studied under 
the most favorable conditions. The deeds of explorer, 
soldier, and missionary advancing side by side against 
a receding frontier of barbarism furnish material for 
a story of rare interest. And the fascination of the 
topic to Anglo-Saxon readers is enhanced by the con- 
tiguity of the region under consideration to the great 
northern republic, from which a new industrial and 
peaceful conquest is being pushed southward on iron 
routes. That the international bonds may be drawn 
closer for mutual benefit without taint of unreasoning 

viii PREFACE. 

prejudice on one side, or of filibustering encroachment 
on the other, should be the desire of every good citi- 
zen of the two republics. 

The author's resources for writing this part of the 
history are exceptionally ample, as is shown by the 
list of authorities prefixed to this volume. His Library 
contains all the standard missionary chronicles on 
which foundation the general structure must rest, 
together with a very complete collection of govern- 
ment reports, Spanish and Mexican, and practically 
all the general and special works relating to the ter- 
ritory that have been printed in any language. There 
is moreover hardly an epoch in the annals of any North 
Mexican State for which important information has 
not been drawn from original manuscripts never be- 
fore consulted. The field is also in all essential respects 
a new one; for while certain limited periods in the 
annals of several parts of the territory have been 
worthily presented in print, there is no work extant 
in any language which includes the entire history of 
any one of the seven provinces; much less a compre- 
hensive history of the whole country. That the con- 
ception of the work and its introduction here as a 
connecting link between the national history of the 
south and local annals of the farther north will be 
approved is the hope and belief of the author. 






Motive of North-western Discovery — Cosmographical Theories of the 
Early Spaniards — Secret of the Strait — Ideas of Hernan Cortds — 
Extracts from his Letters — Resume 1 of Events Following the Con- 
quest — Panuco and the Gulf Coast — Rival Conquistadores — The 
Chichimec Country — Conquest of Michoacan — Subjection of Colima 
and Chimalhuacan — Expeditions of Alvarez Chico, Avalos, and Fran- 
cisco Cortes — Exploration to Tepic — Northern Wonders — A Town 
and Ship-yard at Zacatula — Cortes on the Pacific Coast — His Projects 
of South Sea Discovery — His Letters to the Emperor — Delays and 
Obstacles — Down the Coast, Northward — Identity of Vessels — Lo- 
aisa, Guevara, and Saavedra — First Voyage up the Coast to Colima — 
New Vessels — New Persecutions — Discouragement 1 




Guzman's Plans and Motives — A Grand Army — Names of Officers- 
Murder of a King — March through Michoacan and Jalisco — Crossing 
the Rio Grande — Mayor Espafia — At Omitlan and Aztatlan — Au- 
thorities — Advance to Chametla — Map — Quezala Province — Piastla — 
Ciguatan, Province of Women — On to Culiacan — Town of Colombo — ■ 
Local Explorations — Samaniego Reaches the Petatlan — Search for 
the Seven Cities — Lopez Crosses the Sierra to Durango — Founding 
of the Villa de San Miguel de Culiacan — Site and Transfers — List of 
Pobladores — Guzman's Return to Jalisco — Founding of Chametla — 
Nueva Galicia — Compostela the Capital — Guzman Governor — His 

Downfall 26 







Voyage of Hurtado de Mendoza — Instructions and Mishaps — Guzman's 
Version — A New Fleet — Voyage of Becerra and Grijalva — Mutiny 
of Jimenez — Discoveries — Expedition of Hernan CortCs — March 
through Nueva Galicia — Colony at Santa Cruz — Failure — Events at 
San Miguel de Culiacan — Vaguely Recorded Explorations — Ofiate 
and Angulo — Expedition of Diego de Guzman — To the Rio Yaqui — 
Indian Troubles at San Miguel—Raids for Plunder and Slaves — 
Spaniards Found in the North — Narvaez in Florida — Cabeza de Vaca 
in Texas — Wanderings across the Continent — Route — Did not Reach 
New Mexico — Arrival on the Yaqui and at San Miguel — Subsequent 
Career 40 




Governors Torre and Coronado in New Galicia — Mendoza a Rival of 
Cortes — Expedition of Marcos de Niza — Discovery of Cibola — Fact 
and Fiction— Corte"s Again in the Field — Rival Claims — Voyage of 
Francisco de Ulloa— California — Castillo's Map — Expedition of Fran- 
cisco Vazquez de Coronado — Through Sonora — To Zufii, Moqui, Colo- 
rado Canon, New Mexico, and Quivira— Failure and Return — Settle- 
ment in Sonora — San Geronimo de los Corazones — Melchor Diaz 
Crosses the Rio del Tizon — His Death — Indian Hostilities — San 
Geronimo Abandoned — Voyage of Hernando de Alarcon to Head of 
the Gulf — Up the Buena Guia in Boats— Cortes Gives Up the 
Struggle — Pedro de Alvarado on the Coast — Mixton War — New 
Galicia to End of the Century 71 



Zacatecas Mines — Mercado's Silver Mountain — Ibarra's Private Explora- 
tions — Mendoza and the Franciscans — Ibarra as Governor — Province 
of Nueva Vizcaya — Expedition — At San Juan — Founding of Nombre 
de Dios and Durango — To Copala or Topia — Grand Reports — hide" 
and Santa Barbara Mines — March to Sinaloa — Villa of San Juan — 
Tour in the Far North— City of Pagme — San Sebastian de Cha- 
metla — Death of Ibarra — Progress in Durango — List of Governors — 
Annals (if Sinaloa — Murder of Friars — Villa Abandoned — Montoya's 
Expedition— Bazan's Entrada — San Felipe de Sinaloa — Franciscan 
Convents — Four Martyrs — Arlegui's Chronicle— Jesuit Annals — In 
Sinaloa— The Annas— Martyrdom of Father Tapia— In Topia— Tepe- 
huane Missions — Santa Maria de Pan-as — Exploration and Conquest 
of New Mexico 99 






Introductory Remarks — Maritime Annals — Voyage of Juan Rodriguez 
Cabrillo and Bartolome Ferrelo — Death of Cabrillo — Discovery of 
Alta California — Results — Ruy Lopez de Villalobos Discovers the 
Philippines— Legaspi Crosses the Pacific — Padre Andres Urdaneta 
Opens the Northern Route — Arellano's Trip from the West — The 
Manila Galleons — Piratical Cruise of Francis Drake in the Mar del 
Sur — Voyage of Francisco de Gali — Cruise of Thomas Cavendish — 
Capture of the Galleon 'Santa Ana' — Apocryphal Expeditions to 
Strait of Anian by Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado and Juan de Fuca — 
Cermeaon's Voyage — The 'San Agustin' in San Francisco Bay — 
Sebastian Vizcaino Explores the Gulf — Unsuccessful Attempt to 
Settle California — A Battle and a Romance — Old Maps 130 




Vizcaino's Second Expedition — Outer Peninsula Coast — Up to Latitude 
43° — Later Projects — California an Island — Interest in the North- 
west — Vizcaino's Third Voyage — Oiiate at the Head of the Gulf — 
Cardona's Contract and Voyages — Juan de Iturbe — Pichilingues on 
the Coast — Spilberg's Cruise — Memorial of Padre Ascension — Dutch 
Map — Arellano's Claim — Private Pearl Voyages — Melchor de Le- 
zama— Petition of Bastan — Views of Salmeron — Three Expeditions 
by Francisco de Ortega — Third Colony at La Paz — Original Records — 
First of the Jesuits — Estevan Carbonel in the Gulf — D'Avity's 
Map 153 




Porter y Casanate and Botello y Serrano — Memorials and Contracts — 
Pretended Discoveries of Fonte — Cestin de Canas — Casanate's Efforts 
and Misfortunes — Two Trips to California — Pinadero's Pearl-fishing 
Expedition — Lucenilla in the Gulf — Royal Enthusiasm — A New 
Contract — Settlement of California by Otondo and the Jesuits — 
Fourth Failure at La Paz — Colony at San Bruno — Buccaneers and 
Privateers — Swan and Townley— Dampier — Woodes Rogers, Court- 
ney, and Cooke — Victory and Defeat — Frondac's Voyage — Shel- 
vocke at the Cape — Anson's Voyage 177 






Coast Provinces — Chametla, Copala, Culiacan, Sinaloa, Ostimuri, Sonora, 
and Pimeria — Villas of San Sebastian and San Miguel — San Juan de 
Mazatlan — San Felipe de Sinaloa — Commandants or Governors — 
The Jesuit Anuas — Captain Hurdaide's Rule — The Guazaves — Defeat 
of the Suaquis— Chiefs Hanged — Expedition to Chinipa — Sinaloas 
Tut to Death — Tehueco Campaign — Ocoroni Revolt— Conversions — 
Fuerte de Montesclaros — Spaniards Defeated by the Yaquis — Treaty 
of Peace — Bishop's Visit — Tepahue Campaign — Mayo Missions — Con- 
version of the Yaquis — Chinipa Missions — District of San Ignacio — 
Distribution of Padres — Death of Hurdaide — Perea in Command — 
Murder of Padres Pascual and Martinez — Sonora Valley — District of 
San Francisco Javier — Division of Province — Nueva Andalucia — 
Jesuits versus Franciscans — Padres and Statistics — Ribas' Triumphs 
of the Faith — Condition of the Missions 202 




Rulers in Sinaloa — Coast Events — Tajo Mine — Spanish Settlements — 
Missionary Annals in the South — Minor Items, Statistics, and 
Names of Jesuits — The Old Sonora Districts — The Name Sonora — ■ 
Tables of 1658, 1678, and 1688— Troubles with the Bishop— Chinipas 
District — Labo-s of Salvatierra— Revolts of 1690 and 1697 — Map — 
Conquest of Pimeria Alta — Father Kino and his Labors — At Bac 
and Caborca, 1692-3 — Jironza in Command — Mange's Diaries — Kino 
on the Gulf Coast, 1694— Boat-building— Trip to the Gila, 1694— 
Revolt, Murder of Father Saeta, and Massacre of Pimas — Kino in 
Mexico — Second, Third, Fourth, and Fifth Entradas to the Rio 
Gila, 1697-1700 — Vain Efforts to Obtain Missionaries for the Far 
North — Missions of Dolores, San Ignacio, Caborca, Tubutama, and 
Cocospera — Military Operations in Apacheria — Don Pablo's Revolt — 
Pimas Defeat the Apaches — Seris and Tepocas 237 



Discouragement from Past Failures — Kino's Efforts — Salvatierra En- 
listed — Brighter Prospects at Last — Begging Alms — Foundation of 
the Pious Fund — License from the Viceroy — Full Control in Jesuit 
Hands — Vencgas, Clavigero, and their Followers — Salvatierra's Jour- 
ney to the North — Voyage across the Gulf — Casting Lots — At San 
Dionisio — Founding of Loreto Concho — Linguistic Studies — The Por- 



ridge Question Leads to Hostilities — A Battle — Coming of Piccolo — 
Salvatierra's Letters — A New Fort — New Church for Christmas — 
The New Year — Movements of Vessels — The Native Priests Make 
Trouble — A Second Fight — A New Ship — Pearl-fishery — A Miracle — 
Expedition to Londo — Vigge Biaundo — Mendoza Succeeds Tortolero 
as Captain — View of the Pacific — Indian Policy — New Mission of 
San Javier — Misfortunes — Loss of the ' San Fermin ' — Salvatierra 
Visits the Main — Vain Appeals to Government for Aid — Distrust of 
the Jesuits — Mendoza and the Garrison Discharged — Salvatierra 
Again Crosses the Gulf 276 



Government — List of Rulers — See of Guadiana — Bishops — Geographical 
Lines and Districts — Progress in the South-east — Superstition, 
Famine, and Righteousness at Parras — Acaxee Missions of Topia — 
Revolt — The Sabaibo Bishop — Conversion and Be volt of the Xixi- 
mes — Governor's Campaigns — The Tepehuane District — Revolt of 
161G-17 — Massacre of Ten Missionaries and Two Hundred Span- 
iards — Peace Restored — Humes and Hinas — Vfrgen del Hacliazo — 
Chihuahua Districts — Jesuit Beginnings in Tarahumara Baja — Fran- 
ciscan Establishments — Report of 1G22 — Concho Mission — Parral 
Founded — Coahuila .„.,. 305 



List of Governors and Bishops — Southern Districts — A Tierra de Paz — 
Topia — Zapata's Visita — Laguna Region — Secularization and De- 
struction — Tepehuane Missions — Tarahumara — Map — Franciscan 
Territory — Toboso Raids — Concho Revolt — Murder of Friars — Cerro 
Gordo — Tarahumare Revolt — Campaigns of Carrion, Barraza, and 
Fajardo— Villa de Aguilar — New Rebellion — Martyrdom of Godinez 
and Basilio — Spanish Reverses — Peace — Third Outbreak — Extension 
of Jesuit Missions — Franciscan Progress — Casas Grandes — Junta de 
los Rios — El Paso del Norte — Jesuits versus Franciscans— Statistics 
of 1G78 — Presidios — Border Warfare — Tarahumare Revolt of 1G90 — 
Martyrdom of Padres Foronda and Sanchez 337 



Annals of New Mexico — Prosperity, Revolt, and Reconquest — Coahuila 
— Entries of Salduendo and Larios — The Earliest Missions — Found- 



ing of Monclova — Rulers — Franciscans from Querdtaro and Jalisco — 
Mission Changes— Texas — Resume" for Sixteenth Century — Expedi- 
tions from New Mexico — Ofiate in Quivira — The Jumanas — Rio 
Nueces— Captain Vaca — Martin and Castillo — Country of the Tejas — 
Peiialosa's Pretended Entrada — Efforts of Lopez and Mendoza — 
Father Paredes' Report — North-eastern Geography — The Name 
Texas — French Projects — Penalosa Again — La Salle's Expedition — 
Fort St Louis — Disastrous Fate of the Colony — Pestilence and 
Murder — Spanish Efforts — Barroto's Voyages— Leon's Expedition — 
Second Entrada — Father Masanet and his Friars — Missions Founded 
— Expedition of Governor Teran de los Rios — Nueva Montana de 
Santander y Santillana — Abandonment of Texas 373 




Salvatierra's Return — Coming of Ugarte — Change of Captains— Progress 
at San Javier — Hard Times at Loreto — Piccolo's Efforts in Mexico — 
Padres Basaldua and Minutili — Minor Explorations — Revolt — Basal- 
dua in Mexico — Royal Promises — No Results — Pedro Ugarte — Liv- 
ing on Roots — Salvatierra Called to Mexico — And Made Provincial — 
No Government Aid — Troubles with the Garrison — The Provincial 
in California — Jaime Bravo — Founding of San Juan Bautista de 
Ligui— Santa Rosalia de Mulege" — Explorations — A Miracle — Salva- 
tierra Returns — A Lady at Loreto — Padre Mayorga — Founding of 
San Jose de Comondu — Padre Peralta — Ravages of Small-pox — Mari- 
time Disasters — Drowning of Padre Guisi — Arrival of Padre Gu- 
illen — Favors from the New Viceroy — Piccolo's Tour — Padre Tama- 
ral — Salvatierra Summoned to Mexico — His Death at Guadalajara — 
The Jesuit Mission System — The Pious Fund 407 



Interest at Court — A Junta in Mexico — Bravo's Efforts — Ugarte Rector— 
A Storm — Founding of Purfsima— ' Triunfo de la Cruz ' — Guillen's 
Exploration— Founding of Pilar de la Paz — Helen Founds Guada- 
lupe — Ugarte's Voyage to Head of the Gulf — Sistiaga on the West 
Coast — Guillen Founds Dolores — Napoli Founds Santiago — Locusts 
and Epidemic — Luyando Founds San Ignacio — Death of Piccolo — 
Visit of Echeverria — Founding of San Jose* del Cabo — Death of 
Ugarte — Taraval Explores the North-west — Founding of Santa 
Rosa— Touching of the Manila Ship— Revolt in the South — Martyr- 
(1 in of Fathers Carranco and Tamaral— Yaqui Reinforcements — 
Governor Huidrobo's Campaign— A Presidio at the Cape — Reocciv 



pation of the Missions — A Decade of Troubles — Epidemic — Death of 
Captain Est6van Lorenzo — Changes in Padres — Consag's Exploration 
of the Gulf — Map — Royal Orders — No Results — End of Venega's 
Record 435 



1 750-1 7G9. 
Revival of Industries — Calumnies — Meagre Records — Consag on the 
Pacific — Founding of Santa Gertrudis — Rivera y Moncada Com- 
mandant — Coast Exploration — Hurricane — Venegas' Map — Found - 
ing of San Francisco de Borja — Changes in Missionaries — Link's 
Explorations — Founding of Santa Maria — Troubles in the South — 
Demand for Women and Secularization — Expulsion of the Jesuits — 
Arrival of Governor Portola — Works of Baegert and Ducrue — Map — 
Parting Scenes — List of Jesuit Missionaries — Coming of the Fran- 
ciscans — Observantes and Fernandinos — Names of the Sixteen — 
Distribution of the Friars — A New System — Coming of Visitador 
General Galvez — Reforms Introduced — Mission Changes — Towns 
and Colonization — Regulations — Mining — Trade — Preparations for 
the Occupation of Alta California — The Four Expeditions — Secu- 
larization of Santiago and San Jose" — Founding of San Fernando de 
Velicata— The Old must Support the New 467 



Kino's Labors in Pimeria — Exploring Tour with Salvatierra — Map — Sixth 
Trip to the Gila and across the Colorado — Last Tour in the North — 
Final Efforts and Disappointments — Death of Kino — Explorations 
by Campos — Ugarte on the Coast — Moqui Projects — Seris and Te- 
pocas — Mission Decline — Statistics — Jesuits versus Settlers— Polit- 
ical and Military Affairs — Rule of Saldana and Tuuon — Sinaloa 
Provinces — Conquest of Nayarit 492 



Coast Provinces Detached from Nueva Vizcaya — Huidrobo as Governor — 
Revolt of Yaquis and Mayos — A Decade in Pimeria Alta — Keller 
and Sedelmair — Bolas de Plata, or Arizonac — Vildosola's Rule — 
Letters and Quarrels — Gallardo as Visitador General — Proposed Re- 
forms— Parrilla Appointed Governor — Presidio Changes — Seri War — 
Moqui Scheme Revived — Expeditions to the Gila — Sedelmair's Ex- 



plorations — Royal Orders — Salvador's Consultas — Secularization, 
Penal Colony, Colonization — Jesuit Catalogue of 1750 — Pima Revolt 
— Martyrdom of Rhuen and Tello — Items on the Sinaloa Provinces. 520 



1 752-1 7G7. . 

A War on Paper — Jesuits versus Governor — Investigations — Dissipa- 
tion of the Missionaries — Rule of Governors Arce and Mendoza — 
War with the Seris — Mendoza Killed — Apache Warfare — Raids of 
Savages and Soldiers — Missions of Pimeria Alta in the Last Years — 
No Progress — Padres, New and Old — Final Statistics — Rule of 
Cuervo and Pineda — From Bad to Worse — Campaigns — Recom- 
mended Reforms — Various Reports — Captain Cancio and his Let- 
ters — Elizondo's Expedition Coming — Resume" of Correspondence 
and Events — A Period of Suspense — Mission Statistics, 17GO-7 — 
Expulsion of Jesuits — List of Jesuits Who Served in Sinaloa and 
Sonora 548 




Government and List of Rulers — Presidios and Indian Warfare — Rivera's 
Tour — Berrotaran's Report — Presidial Changes — Mission Annals — 
Repartimientos — The Jesuit College — Secularization of the Durango 
Missions — Statistics — Expulsion of the Jesuits — List of Mission- 
aries — The Franciscans — Secularization — Custody of Parral — Mis- 
sions at Junta de los Rios — Ecclesiastical Affairs and List of 
Bishops — Tamaron's Visita and Report — Statistics of Population — 
Local Items in the South and North — San Felipe el Real de Chihua- 
hua and Mines of Santa Eulalia 581 




A Glance at New Mexico — Coahuila or Nueva Estremadura — Government 
and Rulers — General Progress and Statistics — Local Items — Chrono- 
logical Record — Military and Mission Affairs — Texas, or Nuevas 
Filipinas — Operations of St Denis — Ramon's Expedition — Missions 
Refoundcd — Governor Alarcon — Founding of Bojar and San An- 
tonio — French Invasion — Expedition of Governor San Miguel de 
Aguayo — Villa of San Fernando — Reduction of Military Force — 



Querdtaro Friars Transfer their Missions— French Boundary Ques- 
tion — Succession of Governors — Apache Warfare — Penitent Lipanes 
— Troubles of the Friars — Missions -of San Javier — Rabago's Ex- 
cesses—Contraband Trade — San Saba. Presidio and. Mission — Zeal of 
Conde de Regla — A Massacre — Parrilla's Campaign — Rule of Oconor 
and Ripperda — Northern Establishments Abandoned — Bucareli and 
Nacodoches — Quar^taro Friars Retire — Efforts of Mezieres — Morfi's 
Work — Local Affairs — Condition of the Province — Last Decades of 
the Century G02 




Government — Organization of Provincias Internas — Caballero de Croix — 
Neve, Rengel, and Ugarte in Command — Viceregal Jurisdiction — 
Division of the Provincias — The East and West — General Pedro de 
Nava — Reunion and Independence — Governors of Nueva Vizcaya — 
Intendencia of Durango — Rule of Intendentes and. Subdelegados — 
Indian Affairs— Reglamento de Presidios — Changes in Sites — In- 
structions of Galvez — A New Policy — Results — See of Durango — ■ 
List of Bishops — Division of the Diocese — Controversies — Bishop 
versus General — Missions — Under Franciscans and Secular Clergy — 
Condition of the Establishments — Local Items — Reports of Guardian, 
Provincial, and Viceroy — Annals of Chihuahua — Annals of Durango 
— Pestilence — War on the Scorpions C36 




Elizondo's Military Expedition — Nueva Andalucia — Noticia Breve — 
Original Correspondence — Unsuccessful Movements on the Cerro 
Prieto — Depredations of the Savages — Arrival of Galvez — Pardon 
Offered — Revolt on the Rio Fuerte — New Advance on the Rebel 
Seris — Change of Policy — Final Success of Negotiations — The Coun- 
try at Peace — Discovery of Gold Mines — New Presidio Regulations 
— Mission Annals — Secularization — Franciscans of Queretaro and 
Jalisco — Fate of the Establishments — Garces on the Gila — Murder 
of President Gil— Reyes' Report of 1772— List of Governors — Pro- 
vincias Internas — Arizpe the Capital — Bishopric — last of Bishops — 
Apache Warfare — Peace at Last — More Revolt — Destruction of 
Magdalcna — Anza's Expeditions to California — The Colorado River 
Missions — Transfer of Sonora Missions — Custodia de San Carlos — 
Arrici vita's Chronicle — Local Items, List of Padres, and Statistics . . GGO 
Hist. N. Mex. Sta:es, Vol. I. 2 






The Visitador's Plans for Loreto— Departure and Report of Galvez— 
Chappe d'Auteroche— Governor Armona — Ge»izalez and Toledo — 
Epidemics — Dissatisfaction — Ramos Sent to Sonora — News from 
Monterey — Moreno in Command — Basterra's Memorial — New Friars 
— Governor Barri — A Bitter Feud — Palou Appeals to Guardian and 
Viceroy — The Dominican Claim — Iriarte's Efforts — Royal Orders — 
Guardian and Vicar-general — Amicable Agreement — Franciscans Sur- 
render the Peninsula — Motives of the Two Orders — More Trouble 
with Barri — Arrival of the Dominicans — Departure of the Fernan- 
dinos — Palou's Final Preparations — Troubles with President Mora — 
Reglamento of Presidios — Barri Succeeded by Felipe de Neve — In- 
structions — Arrival G92 



Neve's Rule — Reforms — Troubles with Padres — Rosario and Santo Do- 
mingo — Rivera y Moncada in Command — Indian Troubles — Domin- 
ican Records — San Vicente — Small-pox — Hidalgo President — Neve's 
Reglamento — Rivera's Death — Custodias Threatened — Fages Gov- 
ernor — Hard Times — Arrillaga in Command — Explorations — San Mi- 
guel — Mission Reports — Padre Sales' Noticias — Governor Romeu — 
President Gomez— Santo Tomas — New Friars — San Pedro Martyr — ■ 
Borica — Official Changes — Arrillaga 's Tour — Santa Catalina — War 
with England — President Belda — A British Fleet — Governor Arri- 
llaga — Financial Items — List of Dominicans — Local Affairs 71-4 




Discovery and Coast Exploration — Knowledge of California in 17G9— 
Motives for the Conquest — Portohi's Expedition — At San Diego — To 
Monterey and San Francisco by Land — Founding of Missions— Juni- 
pero Serra as President — Results in 1773 — Fages, Rivera, and 
Anza — Disaster at San Diego — San Francisco Mission and Presidio — 
Governor Neve at Monterey— Statistics for the First Decade — 
Trouble on the Colorado — Governor Fages— Pueblos— Lasucn as 
President — La Perouse — New Foundations — A Decade of Prosperity 
— Romeu, Arrillaga, and Borica — Vancouver — Yankee Craft — Fears 
of Foreign Aggression — End of the Century— Elements of Progress . . 7-43 





Aa (Pieter van der), Naaukeurige Versameling. Ley den, 1707. 30 vols. 

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Motive of North-western Discovery — Cosmographical Theories of 
the Early Spaniards — Secret of the Strait — Ideas of Hernan 
Cortes— Extracts from his Letters— Resume of Events Follow- 
ing the Conquest — Panuco and the Gulf Coast — Rival Conquis- 
tadores — The Chichimec Country — Conquest of Michoacan — ■ 
Subjection of Colima and Chimalhuacan — Expeditions of Alvarez 
Chico, Avalos, and Francisco Cortes — Exploration to Tepic— 
Northern Wonders — A Town and Ship-yard at Zacatula — Cortes 
on the Pacific Coast — His Projects of South Sea Discovery— 
His Letters to the Emperor — Delays and Obstacles — Down the 
Coast, Northward — Identity of Vessels — Loaisa, Guevara, and 
Saavedra — First Voyage up the Coast to Colima — New Vessels— 
New Persecutions — Discouragement. 

From the day when Mexico Tenochtitlan submitted 
to the arms of Spain, an idea often uppermost in the 
mind of the conqueror, Hernan Cortes, and hardly 
less prominent in the minds of his companions and 
those who succeeded him in power, was that of west- 
ern and north-western discovery, the exploration of 
the South Sea with its coasts and islands, and the 
finding of a northern passage by water from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific. The realization of this idea, 
or the progress of more than three centuries toward 
its realization, involving the exploration by land and 

Vol. I. 1 


water, the conquest and conversion, the settlement 
and permanent occupation by Europeans of the great 
north-west, is the subject to which the present and 
later subdivisions of this history are devoted. In 
order to comprehend clearly, and consistently to ac- 
count for the idee Jixe alluded to, we have to glance 
briefly at the geographical notions prevalent at the 
time respecting the regions which have been finally 
named America. Thus may be readily dispelled the 
shade of mystery which, in the popular mind at least, 
has ever obscured this matter. 

When Columbus undertook his grand enterprise, the 
learned few, cosmographers, navigators, and merchants 
enoTt^ed in foreign trade, had a vaofuelv correct knowl- 
edge of the Asiatic coast, of India, China, and even 
of Japan. This knowledge was derived from over- 
land trips of traders and priests, directed to the east 
in quest of merchandise and proselytes, especially 
from the travels of Polo and Mandeville. The Asi- 
atic coast was laid down on maps of the time, and 
that with a degree of accuracy in its general features. 
The Portuguese were straining every nerve to reach 
India by water by way of Cape Good Hope, a project 
in which they succeeded a little later. The spherical 
form of the earth was understood; the feasibility of 
reaching Asia by sailing westward was maintained by 
some; Columbus became an enthusiastic believer in 
the theory, and resolved to apply a practical test. By 
reason of imperfect methods of computing longitude, 
Columbus, like others of his time, greatly underesti- 
mated the distance across the Atlantic to Asia; but 
ho started, sailed about as far as he had expected to 
sail, and found as he had anticipated a coast trending 
south-westward — in fact, as he believed and as all of 
his time and of much later times believed, he reached 
the Asiatic coast. The discovery of land where all 
knew before that land existed excited little surprise 
or enthusiasm; it was the finding of a new route to 
that land that gave the admiral his earlier fame, the 


only fame he had during his lifetime. He died with- 
out a suspicion that he had done more than to make 
known a new route to Asia, 

The first discovery of lands before unknown was in 
what is now known as South America, at a point 
much farther east than could be made to agree with 
the trend of the Asiatic coast as laid down in the 
maps and described by travellers. Had Australia 
been included in the old knowledge there would have 
been perhaps no surprise, no thought of a new dis- 
covery even yet; as it was, navigators had now a new 
aim for exploration, in ascertaining the extent of the 
newly discovered island, an aim which resulted in the 
expedition of Magellan into the Pacific in 1520. This 
new aim, however, by no means diverted attention 
from the primary design, that of coasting Asia south- 
westward, sailing of course between the main and the 
new-found island, and finallv arriving at India. The 
firm belief on the part of Columbus, and of those who 
followed him, that they had reached the Asiatic coast, 
and had only to follow that coast to reach India and 
the Spice Islands, together with their idea — and a 
very natural idea it was — that in passing down the 
coast they must sail through the strait, or channel, 
between the island and the main, furnishes us a key to 
all that is mysterious in the subsequent progress of 
north-western exploration, as well as to the "secret of 
the strait," which the Spaniards so zealously sought to 
penetrate. 1 The effort to solve the mystery was not 
at first nor for many years a search for a passage 
through a new continent to the South Sea, but a 
passage between new lands and the well known Asi- 

1 1 am aware that there is nothing original in the statement that Columbus 
thought he had arrived in Asia. Most writers state the fact; but few if any 
in subsequent speculations speak as if they really believe it, or fully under- 
stand how slowly this idea of Columbus was modified, how closely it was 
connected with the ' secret of the strait,' how loath were navigators to give up 
the views of the ancient cosmographers, how slightly the idea of Columbus 
had been modified in the time of Cortes, or how many years passed before the 
idea was altogether abandoned. For more details, with copies of old maps, 
see Hist. Cent. Am., i. chap, i., Summary of Voyages, this series. 


atic main. This ignis fatuus of navigators did not 
originate in wild cosmographic theories, 2 but in natu- 
ral conclusions from what were deemed accurate reports 
of prior discoveries. 

On making the attempt, however, from both direc- 
tions, to sail down the China coast, no passage was 
found, but only land — instead of a strait an isthmus, 
which was crossed by Vasco Nunez cle Balboa in 1513. 
This unexpected result caused not a little confusion in 
cosmographical reckonings; but it left to thinking men, 
acquainted with the progress of maritime discovery, 
only three theories or reasonable conjectures. Charts 
of this and subsequent periods 3 agree with one or 
another of these conjectures, which are the following: 
first, that the passage actually existed in the region 
between Cuba and South America, but being narrow 
had escaped the attention of navigators; second, that 
the newly found regions were all a south-eastern pro- 
jection of the Asiatic continent, not separated from 
the main by any body of water; and third, that the 
passage was to be found north of the explored regions, 
those regions all belonging to a hitherto unknown 
continent, distinct, but not distant, from Asia. 

Such were the geographical theories prevalent in 
1521 when Cortes first had leisure to give his attention 
to new discoveries; but the tendency of the times was 
strongly in favor of the third, or that of a northern 
passage. Cortes deemed it yet possible that the strait 
which was to admit his Majesty's vessels to the Indian 
Spice Islands might be found in the south. This is 
shown by his expeditions in that direction, either car- 

'-' ' European scholars could not believe, that Nature had worked on a plan 
so repugnant, apparently, to the interests of humanity, as to interpose, through 
the whole length of the great continent, such a barrier to communication 
between the adjacent waters.' Prescott's Hist. Conq. Mex., iii. 272. These 
if understood literally must be applied to a period considerably later 
than that of Cortes' earlier efforts at north-western exploration. 

B Oi course I refer to official charts and to such as show some ruling idea 

on the part of the maker. I made no attempt to account for the vagaries of 

the many compilers who drew liberally on their imagination for geographical 

data, whenever needed to promote the sale of their maps. Copies of many of 

arlier charts are given elsewhere in my work. 


rled out or projected, and especially by his instructions 
to Cristobal de Olid in the Honduras expedition. Still 
his faith in a southern strait was slight and of short 
duration. The natives of Anahuac had an accurate 
knowledge of the South Sea and the trend of the 
Pacific coast, a knowledge which Cortes was not long 
in acquiring and verifying through the agency of 
Spanish scouts. The result established the following 
facts : That if Mexico was a part of the Asiatic conti- 
nent, the point where the coast turned westward must 
be sought not in the south just above Nicaragua, the 
northern limit of Espinosa's voyage in 1819, but north 
of the latitude of Anahuac; that the actual discovery 
of a southern strait in the region of Darien would still 
leave a south-eastern projection of Asia wholly irrec- 
oncilable with the old authorities, whose general 
accuracy men w T ere loath to call in question; and finally 
that only the finding of a passage in the north could 
establish the correctness of the old maps and narra- 
tives. 4 

4 In thus making Cortes the representative of the cosmographical ideas of 
his time there may be an apparent exaggeration, but I believe it is at least 
not calculated to mislead. The view I have given of the tendency of the 
period is sustained by the facts in the case, and Cortes was a shrewd observer 
and quick to take practical advantage of the reasonings of his contemporaries, 
even if his mind did not grasp in logical sequence all the conclusions to be 
drawn from the results of maritime discovery since the day of Columbus. 
The following literal translations from his letter to Charles V. are conclusive 
as to his ideas on the subject: 'I hold these ships (those built at Zacatula) of 
more importance than I can express, for I am sure that with them, by the 
will of Our Lord, I shall be the cause that your Ccesarean Majesty be in these 
regions ruler over more kingdoms and seigneuries than are yet known in our 
nation; and I believe that when I have accomplished this your Majesty will 
have nothing more to do to become monarch of the world.' 

' I saw that nothing more remained for me to do but to learn the secret of 
the coast which is yet to be explored between the Rio Panuco and Florida. . . 
and thence the coast of the said Florida northward to Bacallaos (Newfound- 
land); for it is deemed certain that on that coast there is a strait which passes 
to the South Sea; and if it should be found, according to a certain map which 
I have of the region of the archipelago discovered by Magellan by order of 
your Highness, it seems that it would come out very near there; and if it 
should please God that the said strait be found there, the voyage from the 
spice region to your kingdom would be very easy and very short, so much so 
that it would be less by two thirds than by the route now followed, and that 
without any risk to the vessels coming and going, because they would always 
come and go through your own dominions, so that in any case of necessity 
they could be repaired without danger wherever they might wish to enter 
port. ' 

'I have determined to send three caravels and two brigantines on this 


Thus we account for the efforts of Cortes and . his 
companions constantly directed toward the north- 
west; for the never-failing reports of natives respect- 
ing ever receding marvels in that direction, for there 
can be but little doubt that the wish of the Spaniards 
was father to the tales of the Indians; the famous 
Amazon isles, golden mountains, bearded white men, 
broad rivers, and populous cities; the island of Califor- 
nia "on the right hand of the Indies;" the fabled strait 
of Anian through which fictitious voyagers and ad- 
venturers sailed; the more modern search for a north- 
west passage through the frozen zone; and not improb- 
ably even the traditions of an ancient migration of 
the native races from the far north. The conclusion 
toward which the reasonings of Cortes tended proved 
a correct one; but the illustrious conquistador and his 
contemporaries were far from dreaming how very far 
away, and in how cold a region, the long-sought strait 
would at last be found. 

Having landed on the coast of Vera Cruz in April 
1519, the Spaniards received the surrender of the 
Aztec capital in August 1521. Before the latter date 

search (this refers particularly to the search in the North Sea via Florida) . . . 
and to add this service to the others I have done, because I deem it the great- 
est, if, as I say, the strait be found; and if it be not found, it is not possible 
that there should not be discovered very large and rich lands where your 
Csesarean Majesty may be much served, and the kingdoms and seigneuries of 
your royal crown be greatly extended . . . May it please Our Lord that the 
armada accomplish the object for which it is prepared, which is to discover 
the strait, because that would be best; and. in this I have strong faith, since 
in the royal good fortune of your Majesty nothing can be hid,- . .Also I intend, 
to send the ships which I have built on the South Sea, and which, if the Lord 
wills, will sail at the end of July 1525 up the coast' — the writer says por la 
costa abajo, literally ' down the coast;' but by this expression he doubtless 
means what we now call 'up the coast,' that is north-westward. See on this 
point note at end of this chapter — 'in search of the said strait; because if 
it exists, it cannot be hidden to these in the South Sea or to those in the 
North Sea; since the former in the South (Sea) will follow the coast until they 
fun! the strait or join the land with that discovered by Magalhaens (India); 
and the others in the North (Sea) as I have said, until they join it to the 
Bacallaos. Thus on the one side or the other the secret will not fail to be 
revealed.' He goes on to assure the emperor that his own personal interests 
call him to the rich provinces of the south, but he is willing to sacrifice his 
interests to those of the crown. Cortes, Cartas (letter of Oct. 15. 1524), 307-8, 


Cortes had already brought into subjection most of 
the towns in the vicinity of the lakes; had somewhat 
extended his conquests southward toward the borders 
of the Miztec and Zapotec realms; and had made him- 
self master of nearly all the region stretching eastward 
from the central plateau to the gulf coast. Many of 
the native chieftains had been subdued only by deeds 
of valor on hard-fought battle-fields; others, moved by 
admiration for Spanish prowess, Iry terror of Spanish 
guns and horses, by supernatural warnings, and by a 
bitter hatred toward the tyrants of Anahuac, had 
voluntarily submitted to the new-comers, whom they 
looked upon at first as deliverers. During the years 
immediately following the fall of Mexico voluntary 
submission was the rale, armed resistance the excep- 
tion. Such resistance was met for the most part only 
beyond the limits of the region permanently subjected 
in aboriginal times to the allied monarchs of Mexico, 
Tezcuco, and Tlacopan; or, if met nearer, it was only 
in the form of revolt in provinces that had at first 
submitted but were driven by oppression to a desper- 
ate though vain effort to retrieve their error and 
regain their freedom. 

Cortes was kept busy in preparations for building a 
magnificent Spanish city on the site of the demolished 
Tenochtitlan ; in apportioning the conquered villages 
as encomiendas to his associates; in establishing a 
form of local government adapted to the needs of the 
court, and especially the treasury, of Spain, as well as 
of the new Spanish subjects; in despatching warlike 
expeditions to quell revolt in the provinces or to ex- 
tend his power over gentile tribes yet unsubdued; 
and finally in watching the movements and striving to 
baffle the schemes of his foes both in Mexico and 
at the court of Charles. In the first impulse of 
thankfulness for large domains, or perhaps of a politic 
craving for a still further extension of his trans- 
atlantic realms, the emperor made Cortes governor, 
captain-general, and chief-justice of New Spain, with 


full powers to administer the government and press 
forward free from trammels in his ambitious schemes 
of conquest. This was in October 1522. By the end 
of the year Tehuantepec had been conquered by Pedro 
de Alvarado; the South Sea had been discovered and 
formal possession of it taken at several points ; active 
preparations had been set on foot for the building of 
a fleet on the Pacific for the further exploration of 
its mysteries; and a little later myriads of swarthy 
workmen under the guidance of European architects 
were restoring to its original splendor the capital of 
the Montezumas. Soon the whole country from the 
isthmus of Tehuantepec to Panuco and Colima owned 
allegiance to the conquerors; several Spanish settle- 
ments were founded in different parts of the conquered 
territory; colonization was encouraged by liberal 
grants of land and of native servants under the pre- 
vailing system of repartimientos; missionaries were 
sent for, to convert and instruct the natives; the 
native faith was uprooted and the ancient teocallis 
were demolished; the aborigines were forced to wear 
out their bodies in servitude, but they were rapidly 
learning just how much it would profit them, having 
lost the whole world, to save their own souls. 

In 1523 Alvarado was sent again southward to 
cross the isthmus and conquer Guatemala. Early in 
1524 Olid was despatched by water to invade Hon- 
duras, and twelve Franciscan friars arrived to begin 
their holy work of conversion and instruction. In 
October of the same year Cortes was forced by Olid's 
treachery to leave temporarily his northern schemes, 
and go in person to Central America, not return- 
ing until the middle of 1526. His departure from 
Mexico was the occasion of serious complications in 
the colonial government. The royal officers left by 
him in charge were either unfaithful to their trusts 
or failed to agree among themselves. Other officers 
sent from the south to heal differences committed still 
greater irregularities, abused their usurped power, and 


finally gave out the report that the captain-general 
was dead. 

Meanwhile his foes at court had renewed their hos- 
tile efforts and had filled the mind of Charles with 
fears that Cortes would go so far in his ambitious 
schemes as to deny allegiance and set up an independ- 
ent sovereignty. The remedy usual in such cases was 
resorted to; an investigating commissioner, orjuez tie 
residencia, was sent to supersede the governor and 
bring him to trial on charges preferred. The arrival 
of this commissioner was in July 1526, just after the 
governor's return from Honduras. The position had 
been given to Luis Ponce de* Leon, reputed to be a 
just man and an impartial judge; but by his death and 
that of his successor, the treasurer, Alonso de Estrada, 
a bitter personal enemy to Cortes, came into power; 
and the period that followed during 1526 and 1527 
was one of continual mortification, annoyance, and 
insult to the conqueror and his friends. His enemies 
having gained control in Mexico, worked the more 
effectually at court; but early in 1528 Cortes went in 
person to Spain, just in time to escape being forcibly 
sent or treacherously enticed across the Atlantic by 
the royal audiencia appointed to supersede Estrada. 

While his trial was in progress at Mexico during 
his absence, at court Cortes received marked honors 
from the emperor. It was deemed expedient to con- 
tinue the audiencia in their civil power; but in all else 
the feted conquistador was triumphant. In July 1529 
he was made marques del "Valle de Oajaca, with large 
grants of land and vassals; during the same month 
he was appointed captain-general of New Spain and 
of the South Sea, with full powers to continue his dis- 
coveries and to rule over such lands as he might 
explore and colonize; later he was granted in full pro- 
prietorship one twelfth of all his new discoveries. 
He returned to the New World in July 1530, to the 
great joy of the natives, whose friend and protector 
he had been so far as practicable under the system to 


which he was subjected, and who now after several 
years of oppression under royal officers and audiencia, 
more fully than before realized the good will of the 
chieftain who had forced upon them Spanish sover- 
eignty. But the return of Cortes was productive of 
but little good to himself, to the country, or to his 
friends, whether natives or Spaniards. In view of the 
services he had rendered be was little disposed to 
brook interference or opposition from a tribunal with 
which he soon became involved in quarrels respecting 
his powers, titles, property, and vassals. He soon left 
the capital in disgust to live in retirement at Cuer- 
navaca until ready to* resume his operations in the 
South Sea, of which more hereafter. 

This brief sketch will serve to recall a few needed 
dates, and thus introduce the topic matter of this 
chapter, itself introductory to the general subject of 
north-western exploration and settlement. Full de- 
tails are before the reader in an earlier volume of this 
history. 5 

It is well, however, before following Cortes to the 
Pacific to review somewhat more fully, but still in 
the briefest resume, the course of events in the coun- 
tries immediately north and west of Mexico during 
the } 7 ears following the conquest. These events 
occurred for the most part without the territorial 
limits of this volume, that is in the provinces that 
now make up the states of Vera Cruz, Tamaulipas, 
San Luis, Queretaro, Guanajuato, Aguas Calientes, 
Michoacan, Colima, and Jalisco; but they were never- 
theless the beginning of the north-western movement, 
and have a bearing on what is to follow. 

Ponce de Leon in 1512 sought the ' fountain of 
youth' in Bimini, or Florida, whither he returned to 
die nine years later. Griialva from the south reached 
Panuco in 1518. The intermediate gulf coast was 
explored in 1519-20, and the following years by Pineda 

5 See Hist. 3Iex. i vol. i. this series. 



and Narvaez for Garay under the patronage of the 
conqueror's foes, Velazquez in Cuba and Fonseca in 
Spain. A leading incentive was the erroneous idea 
that the Tampico region afforded a good harbor. 
Cortes shared this belief and was able to defeat Garay 's 
projects by obtaining the voluntary submission of the 
.Panuco chieftains; and when the latter were driven 
to revolt by the outrages of his foe, he marched to 
subdue the province by force of arms, founding the 

Region North and West of Mexico. 

town of San Estevan del Puerto in 1522. Garay 
came in person with a governor's commission in 1523; 
and though he accomplished nothing, his men provoked 
a second rising in which some two hundred and fifty 
Spaniards were slain. Sandoval restored peace by a 
bloody campaign, and took terrible vengeance by 
burning and hanging hundreds of leading Huastecs in 
1524. Next year the province under name of Vic- 
toria Garayana was separated from the jurisdiction 
of Mexico, but no actual change was effected till 
1528. Then came Ptlnfilo de Narvaez and Nufio de 
Guzman, of the clique so bitterly hostile to Cortes, 
each with a governor's commission. Narvaez was to 
rule Las Palmas stretching northward from Panuco. 
He landed on the west coast of Florida with a large 


force, and attempted to coast the gulf by land and 
water. The whole company perished miserably one 
by one, except four, of whose wanderings across the 
continent I shall have much to say elsewhere in this 
volume. Guzman was ruler of Panuco, the other 
name not surviving, and his administration of about 
six months at San Estevan was marked, after profit- 
less attempts to make conquests and find riches in 
the territory of Narvaez, by never ending raids for 
slaves, by which the province was depopulated. He 
was always in trouble, with authorities of adjoining 
provinces invaded, with his Spanish subjects whose 
encomiendas were destroyed by his policy, or with the 
Huastec chieftains now nearly helpless; but he was 
a shrewd lawyer, and so skilfully did he parry the con- 
stant complaints at court that instead of being dis- 
missed from office and hanged, as he richly deserved, 
he was sent to Mexico, still retaining his governorship 
as president of the audiencia. We shall soon enough 
meet him again. Before 1530 there was no Spanish 
settlement on the northern gulf coast except at San 
Estevan, or Panuco. 

To the west and inland was the territory com- 
prising the present states of Queretaro, Guanajuato, 
San Luis, and Aguas Calientes; the home of the 
wild Chichimecs, never permanently subjected to the 
Aztecs. The Chichimec country proper extended 
indefinitely northward, as elsewhere noted, but the 
name was applied commonly to this region as the 
home of the only Chichimecs with whom the Aztecs 
or earliest Spaniards came in contact. Richer prov- 
inces and pueblos, more accessible for purposes of 
plunder and conversion, at first called the Spaniards 
in other directions. Converted native chieftains, 
however, furnished with ammunition, material and 
spiritual — gunpowder and crucifixes — set forth to 
christianize their rude brethren on several occasions 
between 1521 and 1525. In 1526 Cortes was medi- 

c Sec chapter iii. of this volume. 


tating an expedition against the Chichimees who, if 
they showed no fitness for civilization, w T ere to be made 
slaves. Two Otomi chiefs, baptized as Fernando de 
Tapia and Nicolas Montanez de San Luis, were leaders 
of proselyte armies which effected the conquest of 
Queretaro and parts of Guanajuato. The former 
founded a pueblo at Acambaro in 1526; and in 1530 
one or both won a marvellous victory near the spot 
where the town of Queretaro was founded, probably 
in 1531. About this time it is reported that Lope de 
Mencloza, left in command at Panuco, made an expe- 
dition into the interior to San Luis Potosi, and as some 
say to Zacatecas. Records are vague, but the subject 
is not an important one in this connection. The region 
attracted little notice until about 1548, when rich 
mines were found in Guanajuato. 

Michoacan, the land of the civilized Tarascos, was a 
province that early fixed the invaders' attention. It 
is said that a messenger sent thither in 1521 was 
never heard of again; but he was followed by one 
Parrillas, with a few comrades, who reached Tzin- 
tzuntzan, the capital, returning with glowing reports 
of western wealth, specimens of which were brought 
by native envoys back to Mexico. Next Mohtano 
and a larger party, generously provided with trinket 
gifts, were received at Tzintzuntzan with great cere- 
mony and some caution, bringing to Cortes precious 
gifts with new stores of information, and accompanied 
on their return by eight Tarascan nobles. Later the 
king's brother visited Mexico with much pomp and 
treasure to see for himself the power and magnificence 
of the newly arrived children of the sun. And then 
King Tangaxoan came in person to offer his allegiance 
to the Spanish sovereign, promising to open his king- 
dom and extend his protection to Spanish colonists. 
Accordingly Olid was sent with, a large force to inves- 
tigate the country's resources, and to found a settle- 
ment. All this was before the end of 1522. He met 
with no resistance, save such as was provoked at 


Tangimaroa by the actions of his men; but the. out- 
rages were continued at the capital, where temples 
were burned, private dwellings plundered, and the 
adjoining region raided in the search for treasure. 
The Spaniards quarrelled among themselves when 
Olid tried to stop the plundering; and when no more 
treasure could be found they became discontented and 
uncontrollable, so that the settlement was abandoned 
by order of Cortes. But the occupation was soon 
resumed; the timid native authorities were reassured; 
Franciscan friars began their work; and from 1524 
Michoacan never faltered in allegiance to Spain, 
though the Tarascan nobles and people secured noth- 
ing but oppression in return for their submission and 
good faith. 

In connection with Olid's expedition to Michoacan 
in 1522, a force sent to Zacatula turned aside on the 
way to conquer Colima, where great riches were said 
to be. Part of this force under Alvarez Chico was 
defeated by the natives; but another division under 
Avalos, forming an alliance with disaffected chiefs, 
extended this raid through the region just north of 
the modern Colima line, known for many years as the 
Avalos province. Next Olid entered the province 
and defeated in a hard-fought battle the ruler and his 
allies; a town of Coliman was founded; and Avalos 
was left in charge of the colony. When many of the 
settlers had deserted, the natives revolted, but San- 
doval was sent to subdue them, and did his work so 
effectually that the province thereafter remained sub- 
missive. This was before the end of 1523. In 1524 
Francisco Cortes, a kinsman of Don Hernan, and 
alcalde mayor of Colima, made an entrada, or incur- 
sion, to the northern regions of Chimalhuacan, corre- 
sponding to western Jalisco. Most of the towns 
submitted without resistance; but at Tetitlan and at 
several other points battles were fought. The north- 
ern limit was the town of Jalisco, near Tepic. Gold 
was not found in large quantities, but of course was 


reported plentiful toward the north. During Don 
Francisco's absence Avalos also advanced northward 
to the region round the modern Guadalajara. Many 
of the northern pueblos were distributed as cncomi- 
endas at this time, but it does not appear that 
either encomenderos or garrisons were left in the 

Don Francisco's return was along the coast, and 
the Valle de Banderas was named from the little 
flags attached by the natives to their bows. Not 
only did the Spaniards hear marvellous reports of 
northern wealth, but on the coast south of Banderas 
they found in the dress and actions of the natives 
traces of Catholic influence, and heard of a ' wooden 
house' from over the sea that had been stranded on 
the rocks many years ago. Fifty persons from the 
wreck taught the natives many things, but were killed 
when they became overbearing. Writers have in- 
dulged in speculations on the origin of this tale, won- 
dering if the strangers were Englishmen who came 
through the strait of Anian, or if they belonged to 
some Catholic nation. After exhausting conjecture 
respecting probable error or falsehood on the part of 
natives or Spaniards, the credulous reader is still at 
liberty to believe that the wreck on the Jalisco coast 
of a Portuguese craft from India before 1524 is not 
quite impossible. 

I now come to the actual operations of Cortes on 
the Pacific coast between 1521 and 1530, a series of 
failures and bitter disappointments, though followed 
by partial success in later years. The aim of his efforts 
in this direction, his grand scheme of sailing north and 
then west, and finally south until he should reach 
India — discovering in the course of this navigation 
the " secret of the strait," or proving all to be one 
continent, and in any event making rich additions to 
his Majesty's domain — has been clearly set forth at 
the beginning of this chapter; it only remains to pre- 


sent the record of the efforts made to carry out his 
aim. 7 

In his third letter to Charles V., written May 15, 
1522, Cortes relates all that had transpired up to that 
date respecting South Sea discovery. Through friendly 
natives, before the final surrender of Mexico, he had 
heard of that sea; and before the date of his letter 
had sent to Spain certain petitions touching the 
matter. 8 The first Tarascan messengers who came 9 
were closely questioned on this point and requested 
to take back with them two Spaniards to visit the 
coast from Michoacan. They stated that a province 
lying between their own and the sea was hostile, and 
it was therefore impracticable at the time to reach the 
Pacific; nevertheless the two Spaniards did accom- 
pany them to Michoacan at least. Learning by his 
inquiries that the coast was twelve or fourteen days' 
journey distant according to the direction taken, Cor- 
tes was glad, because, as he says, " it seemed to me 
that in discovering it I should do your Majesty a very 
great service, especially as all who have experience 
and knowledge in the navigation of the Indies have 
held it certain that with the finding of the South Sea 
in these parts, there must also be found rich islands, 
with gold and pearls and precious stones, and many 
other secrets and marvellous things; and this has been 
affirmed and is still affirmed by men of letters and 
learned in the science of cosmography." He conse- 

7 The best, and in fact almost the only authority for this record, is the let- 
ters of Cortds himself, which, when carefully examined, are tolerably complete 
and satisfactory on the subject. Later writers have presented but versions — 
always incomplete and often incorrect — of that given by the conquistador. 
Some of them wrote without having all the letters before them; others used 
carelessly those that they had; no one so far as I know has added anything 
from trustworthy sources. 

8 ' Antes de agora teniendo alguna noticia do la dicha mar, yo avise" a los 
que tienen mi poder de ciertas eosas que se habian de suplicar a V. M. para 
la mejor y mas breve expedicion del dicho descubrimiento. . .aquel aviso raio 
no s6 si sc habra recibido, porque" fu6 por diversas vias. ' Cartas, 160. 'Tenia 
noticia de aquella Mar de tiempo de Moteccuma.' Gomara, Crdnica, in Barcia, 
J I ist. Prim., ii. 154. 

9 With Parrillas or Montaiio, probably the latter, and in any case shortly 
after August 1521. 


quently sent four Spaniards, " two by certain provinces 
and other two by others," accompanied by a few 
friendly Indians, with instructions not to stop until 
they reached the sea, and once there to take possession 
in the name of Spain. One party went one hundred 
and thirty leagues through many and rich provinces, 
took possession of the ocean by setting up crosses on 
its shores, and returned with samples of gold from the 
region traversed and a few natives from the coast. 
The other party went farther, one hundred and fifty 
leagues according to their report, and were absent a 
little longer; but they also reached the coast and 
brought back natives. The visitors from both direc- 
tions were kindly treated and sent back may contentos 
to their homes. All this occurred before the end of 
October 1521, at which time Cortes sent out an expe- 
dition 10 which, within a month or two, subjected a 
province of Oajaca, but not on the coast. 

For a time following this expedition Cortes was 
busied in selecting a site and preparing to rebuild the 
city of Mexico; but in the mean time the lord of 
Tehuantepec, on the South Sea, "where the two 
Spaniards had discovered it," sent chieftains as am- 
bassadors with gifts and an offer of allegiance to 
Spain. About this time also the two Spaniards who 
had been sent to Michoacan returned accompanied by 
King Caltzontzin's brother. It is nowhere stated 
that these two reached the coast, and it is not prob- 
able that they were identical with either of the two 
parties already mentioned as having taken possession 
of the South Sea. These events took place before 
the end of 1521, because they were followed as Cor- 
tes tells us by the transactions with Cristobal de 
Tapia, who arrived in December. 

In January 1522 Pedro de Alvarado started south- 
ward, addon the force already in Oajaca to that which 
he took from Mexico, and on March 4th wrote that 

10 'Acabados de despachar aquellos Espanolcs que vinieron de dcscubrir la 
mar del sur ' he sent the expedition south on Oct. 31st. 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 2 


ho had occupied Tututepec on the coast/ 1 pacified the 
province, and taken formal possession of the southern 
ocean. Whatever else had been accomplished before 
May 15, 1522, is stated by Cortes in his letter of 
that date as follows: "I have provided with much 
diligence that in one of the three places where I have 
discovered the sea, 12 there shall be built two caravels 
of medium size and two brigantines, the former for 
discovery and the latter for coasting, and with this 
view I have sent under a competent person forty Span- 
iards, including master-builders, carpenters, smiths, 
and marines. I have also provided the villa with all 
articles needed for said ships; and with all possible 
haste the vessels will be completed and launched; 
which accomplished, your Majesty may believe it will 
be the greatest thing since the Indies were discovered." 
In an introductory note of the same date he repeats 
the substance of what I have quoted respecting the 
importance of this discovery and the building of the 
vessels "near the coast ninety leagues from here;" 
and adds that he has already a settlement of two 
hundred and fifty Spaniards on the coast, including 
fifty cavalry. So far Cortes' own narrative. The 
additions or variations by later writers require but 
brief notice which may be given in a note. 13 

11 About midway between Acapulco and Tehuantepec. 

12 That is at Zacatula. The other two points referred to were Tehuantepec 
and Tututepec. 

lz Cartas, 109, 25S-G9. Also same letter (3d) in the editions of Barcia, 
Lorenzana, etc. According to Cortes, Residencies, ii. 118-19, Juan dc Umbria 
was commander of one of the South Sea parties. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. 
cap. xvii., says that CortCs sent Francisco Chico with three Spaniards and 
some Indians to explore 'all the southern coast,' and seek a fitting place for 
ship-building. These went to Tehuantepec, to Zacatula, and to other pueblos. 
This agrees well enough with Cortes, although Herrera seems to imply that 
the four went together, visiting Tehuantepec and Zacatula. Navarrete, Sitttl 
y Mex. Viage, introd. vii.-x., follows Herrera, implying, however, still more 
clearly that all the four went together in one party. This is not probable, 
for it directly contradicts Cortes' statement that the parties took separate 
routes and that the sea had been discovered in two places only; besides the 
expedition against Tututepec was undertaken at the request of the lord of 
Tehuantepec who complained of hostilities on the part of those of Tututepec, 
whose cause of offence was that the Spaniards had been allowed to reach the Therefore it is unlikely that the four Spaniards had traversed the 
whole coast from Tehuantepec to Zacatula or vice versa, passing directly 


It is certainly remarkable that we have no further 
details respecting the establishment of a settlement 
of two hundred and fifty Spaniards at Zacatula — noth- 
ing beyond the bare statement that such a villa had 
been founded before May 15, 1522; yet it is not likely 
that there is any error, except perhaps an exaggera- 
tion of the force, since the reenforcement on the 
abandonment of Tzintzuntzan could hardly have ar- 
rived so early; for as we have seen the military expe- 
dition had not yet been sent by way of Michoacan to 
the coast, and it is expressly stated that that expedi- 
tion was intended not for the foundation, but the pro- 
tection of Zacatula, It appears that Juan Rodriguez 
Villafuerte, the commander, had first been sent with 
some forty mechanics to found a settlement and begin 
the work of ship-building, many native workmen, 
chiefly Tescucans, coming a little later; and large 
numbers of carriers being employed to bring material 
from Vera Cruz and Mexico. With the town except 
as a ship-building station we are not concerned here. 14 

Writing October 15, 1524, just before starting for 
Honduras, Cortes reports what progress had at that 
date been made in his South Sea enterprise. He 

through the hostile province of Tututepec. Beaumont, Cr6n. Midi., iii. 155-7, 
and a writer in the D ire. Univ., viii. 29, give the same version, the latter 
adding that in consequence of this expedition Acapulco was discovered by Gil 
Gonzalez Davila in 1521! Herrera in another place, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. , 
gives the name of Gonzalez de Umbria to the man who first brought samples 
of gold to Cortes from Zacatula. 

Herrera and Navarrete, ubi supra, also speak of a party, not mentioned 
by Cortes, which was sent via Jalisco but was never heard of. The reference 
is probably to the doubtful expedition of Villadiego sent to Michoacan before 
that of Parrillas. The same authors state further that Guillen de Loa, Cas- 
tillo, and Roman Lopez, with two others, passed through the country of the 
Zapotecs and Chiapas to Soconusco, and back by water to Tehuantepec. It 
is not unlikely that such a trip was made, but if so it must have been several 
years later than is implied by these writers. Prescott, (Jouq. Mex., iii. 237, 
erroneously states that one of the two first detachments sent to the coast 
reached it through Michoacan, and continues without any authority that I 
know of, 'on their return they visited some of the rich districts towards the 
north since celebrated for their mineral treasures, and brought back samples 
of gold and California pearls'! 

14 See Hist. Mex., ii. 54 et seq. It appears that Simon de Cuenca was 
associated with Villafuerte in the command; and according to some authori- 
ties the latter did not come until the time of Olid's expedition. The Indians 
were somewhat insubordinate on several occasions. 


speaks of the expedition of Olicl to Michoacan in the 
middle of 1522; the subsequent sending of a part of 
Olid's force to Zacatula, where he had and still has 
four vessels on the stocks; the foundation of the villa 
of Segura at Tututepec, its subsequent abandonment, 
and the revolt and reconquest of the province; the 
conquest of Colima in 1523-4, resulting in the reports 
of Amazon isles rich in gold and pearls, and the 
discovery of a good port — doubtless Manzanillo or 
Santiago; and finally the departure of Olid and Al- 
varado for the conquest of Central America. 

For the delay in completing and launching the ves- 
sels he offers good excuses to the emperor, explaining 
the extreme slowness and difficulty of transporting 
all needed articles except timber across the continent 
from Vera Cruz, and stating further that the tedious 
work of transportation when once completed had to 
be begun anew on account of the destruction by fire 
of the warehouse at Zacatula with all its contents 
"except a few anchors which would not burn." 15 A 
new stock of supplies was ordered and arrived at Vera 
Cruz about June 1524. The work was now in a good 
state of advancement, and Cortes believed that if 
pitch could be obtained the vessels might be ready by 
the end of June 1525. Neither does he omit to state 
that they will have cost him over eight thousand 
pesos. Here he expresses more extensively and more 
enthusiastically than elsewhere his ideas of the gran- 
deur and importance of his schemes, stating clearly 
what his plans were in words that have already been 
translated in this chapter. 16 

His intention was, in brief, to despatch his fleet at 
the end of July 1525, with orders to follow the coast 
north- westward until the strait should be found, or, by 

15 By ceVlula of June 1523 the king had enjoined Cortes to hasten the 
search for a strait. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xxiii. 366. In the later 
trial of Cortes there was an absurd theory broached that the delays were 
intentional, the ships having been built really as a means of escape from the 
country with embezzled millions. Cortes, Resideneia, i. 27. 

1G See note 4. 


arrival at India, New Spain should be proved a part 
of the Asiatic continent as had been at first supposed. 
His hope was, first, to discover the strait and thereby 
shorten by two thirds the route to India; second, to 
find and conquer for his king rich islands and coasts 
hitherto unknown; and third, at the least, to reach 
India by a new route and open communication between 
Spain and the Spice Islands via New Spain. 17 By an 
inaccurate but natural conception of one passage in 
this letter of Cortes, Venegas and Navarrete, the lat- 
ter a most able and painstaking writer, generally 
regarded as the best modern authority on Spanish 
voyages, as well as other writers of less note who have 
copied their statements, have been led to believe that 
Cortes intended with the Zacatula fleet to sail south- 
ward toward Panama in search of the strait. 18 

Again in letters of September 3d and 11th, 152G, 
after his return from Honduras, Cortes says: "Long 
ago I informed your Majesty that I was building cer- 
tain vessels in the South Sea to make discoveries; 
and although that is a very important enterprise, yet 
on account of other occupations and occurrences it has 

17 Cortes, Cartas, 275-3, 287-9, 304, 307-8, 314-15. 

18 Navarrete, in Sutil y Mex. , Victf/es, introd. , x. ; Venegas, Not. Col. , i. 142-8. 
In the passage alluded to, Cortes, Cartas, 315, the writer says the vessels 'will 
sail at the end of July 1525 down the same coast, 'jior la misma costa abajo.'* 
This at first caused me some trouble, since it seemed to conflict more or less 
directly with the view I have presented of the geographical ideas held by 
Cort6s and others of his time. That Cortes should still have a slight hope of 
finding a narrow strait in the south would not be very strange, though he 
implies on the same page that he had given up such hopes; but that he could 
expect by coasting southward, in case the strait were not found, to reach 
India and prove it all one continent with New Spain, seemed altogether absurd 
if his geographical ideas were such as I have attributed to him, such as he 
and others seemed to hold, and such as could be consistently held at the 
time. I had devised various means more or less ingenious and satisfactory 
of surmounting the difficulty, when I discovered that Cortds habitually used 
the term costa abajo or "down the coast' to indicate what we term 'up the 
coast,' that is northward. For instances of this use of the term where there 
is no possible doubt as to his meaning, see the instructions to Francisco Cor- 
tes in leazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 4GG, and also two cases in Cortes, Cartas, 491. 
I suppose this use of the term 'down the coast' may be accounted for by the 
fact that from the first the main Asiatic coast was ever present to the eyes of 
navigators; their great aim was to sail down that coast to India; and the dis- 
tance to be sailed from New Spain before they could turn in that direction, a 
distance utterly unknown and always underestimated, was left out of the 


been suspended until now, when the vessels are ready. 

1 send as captain Diego de Ordaz. . .1 believe he will 

sail during the month of ." 19 He still has in view 

the same schemes of discovery as before, and is as 
enthusiastic as ever in his hopes of success. He even 
proposes, in case the emperor will grant him certain 
emoluments, to go in person to conquer for Spain all 
the Asiatic main and islands, pledging his word to 
get the best of the Portuguese in one way or another. 20 

The vessels are represented as being at Zacatula 
and miuj pronto para partir. There is nothing to 
indicate that they were not the same vessels he has 
been writing of before and the onlv ones yet built on 
the coast, although their number and class are not 
mentioned. Navarrete, followed by Prescott, says 
that the brigantines originally built at Zacatula were 
burned when ready to be launched. 21 If such was the 
case the vessels referred to by Cortes must have been 
built since that date and during his absence in the 
south. This would seem strange; and especially so 
is the fact that Cortes says nothing of either burning 
or rebuilding. Not knowing the authority for Nav- 
arrete 's statement, I regard it as erroneous. 

Whatever vessels these may have been, they were 
soon despatched, though in a direction somewhat 
different from that originally intended. In July 152G, 
Guevara's vessel, which had started from Spain with 
Loaisa's fleet bound to the Moluccas, but which had 
become separated from the consorts after entering the 
Pacific through the strait of Magellan, arrived on the 
coast below Zacatula, being thus the first to reach this 

19 A blank in the original. 

2u During Cortes' absence Albornoz had proposed to use his fleet for a rov- 
age to the Moluccas. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 49G-7. And Ocana 
I that Cortes ought not to be trusted with such an expedition. ' If Cortes 
i make it he will die with a crown.' Letter in LI., i. ~hV2. 

n Sutil y M<j\, Viage, introd., x.; Prescott's Hist. < ou</. Mex.,iii. 270. 
Nava rete refers in a, general way to a manuscript in the Royal Academy of 
Madrid, as containing much information on these matters; perhaps he gets 
thi fact from that manuscript. The same statement is made in Dice. I \ 
viii. 29. VenegaSj Not. Cat., i. 140-0, says it is not known whether the ves- 
sels sailed or not — probably not. See note 24. 


coast by water direct from Europe. 22 In his Septem- 
ber letters, Cortes says he has sent a pilot to bring 
Guevara's vessel to Zacatula, and has proposed to the 
captain, as his own vessels are nearly ready to sail 
and for the same destination, namely, the Spice Islands, 
that all four vessels go together. 23 But very soon 
there came from the king to Cortes an order, dated 
June 20, 152G, to despatch an expedition to the relief 
of Loaisa at the Moluccas. As the order was impera- 
tive and haste essential, the idea of following the coast 
round to India had to be given up temporarily, and 
three vessels under Alvaro de Saavedra were sent 
from Zacatula October 31, 1527, direct to the East 
Indies, where one of them arrived safely in March 
1528, the others being lost. 24 

Before starting across the Pacific, Saavedra's fleet 
made a trial trip up the coast to the port of Santiago 
in Colima. It merits notice as the first navigation of 
the waters above Zacatula. The vessels left the lat- 
ter port on July 14th and reached Santiago the 24th. 
The voyage is not mentioned in the regular narra- 
tive of the Molucca expedition; but the diary of one 
of the three vessels has been preserved, containing 
more geographical details than can be utilized here. 25 

Between the date of the letter last referred to and 

22 The original documents on this voyage are to be found in Navarrete, 
Viajes, v. 170-81, 224-5. See also Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 4S8; 
Herrera, dec. iii.-iv. ; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 280-1. 

™Cortes, Cartas, 372-5, 489-90. 

2i Navarrete, Col. Viages., v. 95-114, 440-80. See also Hist. Mex., ii. 258- 
9, this scries. The port from which this expedition sailed is called Siguata- 
nejo or Cihuatlanejo, in the province of Zacatula. This name is given on 
modern maps to a point on the coast a few leagues south of the Zacatula River. 
It is but fair to state that Saavedra's three vessels are spoken of as two navios 
and a bergantin, which would not agree in class with those originally built 
at Zacatula, namely, two brigantines and two caravels. Yet there was great 
want of care in writing these terms. It may also be noticed that if the two 
brigantines were burned, the two caravels with Guevara's vessel may have 
made up Saavedra's fleet of three if we disregard the class. In a later docu- 
ment, ( 'artas, 543-4, Cort«5s says this expedition cost him over $00,000. 

& Saavedra, Relation de la derrota que hizo un bergantin que solid el 1/j, de 
Julio del ano J '■'>..'"/ <hl puerto de Zacatulaen Nueva Espana, juiitamente '■on <!os 
navios, <'i Ins drdenesde Alvaro Saavedra Ceron, etc., etc., que. entrd en el puerto 
de Santiago en 19° y 40 1 de altura. In Florida, Col. Doc, 88-91. The follow- 
ing names are given: Port of San Crist6bal, Cape Motin, Tort Magdalena, 
and Port Santiago. The latter port near Manzanillo still retains the name.. 


his departure for Spain early in 1528, Cortes ordered 
the construction of four vessels at Tehuantepec to 
replace those sent away under Saavedra, intending 
to despatch them to the same destination by the 
northern or coast route and thus to carry out his 
original plan. The four vessels were nearly completed 
when he went to Spain, and a fifth was subsequently 
built. 26 Their fate is told in the captain -general's let- 
ter of October 10, 1530. As soon as the members of 
th,e audiencia arrived in Mexico they arrested the 
superintendent left in charge of the completion of 
the fleet, probably Francisco Maldonado, took away 
the pueblos through the services of whose inhabitants 
the work was being done, doubtless under the system 
of repartimientos, and thus caused the work to be 
abandoned. The rigging and every movable thing 
were stolen and the hulks left to decay. The work- 
men passed a year in idleness, and the hostile oidores 
even went so far as to enforce the payment of their 
waofcs durinor this time from Cortes' estate. 27 At the 
time of writing Cortes tells the emperor that his 
workmen are scattered and the vessels much damaged; 
he knows not if the work can be resumed. He regrets 
the loss of 20,000 castellanos in this enterprise more 
than all his other losses aggregating over 200,000 
castellanos. Yet he does not altogether lose courage, I 
"May the Lord grant that the devil no longer impede 
this great work," he writes, and expresses great expec- 
tations from the coming of the new audiencia. 28 
Despite the loss of his five vessels, as we learn from 

20 Jt isistatfsd in Dice. Univ. , viii. 29, that Francisco Maldonado was ordered 
to build these vessels to replace those burned at Zacatula, which cannot be 
correct in any view of the matter. 

' 21 There was .something to be said on the other side in these troubles of 
Cortes with other authorities as may be seen in Hist. JSlex., ii., this series. 

28 t f oHcs, Cartas, 505-G. Also letter of April 20, 1532, Id., 513-14. The 
name of CorteV .agent having been Maldonado, and the same name having been 
connected with a voyage made, or claimed to have been made, later, some 
writers, as Uosy Brown, L. Cal., 14, and Greenhow, Or. and Gal., 40, have 
confounded the two (dates, and speak of a voyage by Maldonado from Zaca- 
tula ©orthward in .1523, touching at Santiago River, but never returning. I 
know of no foundation ior such a statement. Hernandez, Gmg. B. Cal., 10- 
11, ttjls .us ,<,f a r yo#ajg also from ]524 in twp yessels, which 


a letter of April 20, 1532, Cortes at once went to 
work on four others, two of which were built at Te- 
huantepec and two at Acapulco ; but his personal ene- 
mies were determined to prevent the realization of his 
plans. In the work of transporting material and fit- 
ting out the vessels at Acapulco he employed some of 
his Indian vassals, paying them, as he claims, for their 
labor; but certain alguaciles, instigated by those high 
in authority, forbade the employment of the natives. 
Cortes had seen a royal order to the effect that the 
audiencia were not to interfere in any way with his 
expeditions of discovery, and now he was much dis- 
heartened. " It seems that neither by land nor by 
W T ater am I to be permitted to render any service ; and 
if they had told me so before I had expended all my 
estate the harm would have been less." 29 

Thus I have brought the record of the conqueror's 
efforts on the South Sea coast down to 1531, at which 
time the coast from Panama to Zacatula had become 
well known through explorations by water. One trip 
had been made to Colima; while land exploration had 
extended that knowledge still farther northward to 
the region of the present San Bias. 30 Vessels had 
been built at three different points; communication by 
w T ater between the Pacific ports had become of quite 
common occurrence; and voyages had been made be- 
tween New Spain and the true India. Four vessels 
were now on the stocks at Acapulco and Tehuantepec, 
and it is not unlikely that other small craft were under 
sail or at anchor on the coast. In a subsequent chap- 
ter, when the thread of Cortes' explorations shall again 
be taken up, it will be seen that, notwithstanding his 
despondent mood at the time just referred to, his brave 
spirit was by no means daunted. 31 

touched at Jalisco, Sinaloa, Sonora, or California, but were never heard of 
more. Some believe the commander to have been Juan Aniano! 

™ Cortes, Cartas, 513-14; Navarrete, Col. Doc, iv. 175-7. 

30 That is, leaving out of the account Guzman's expedition described in the 
next chapter. 

* See, also, references to CorteV earlier efforts in Cavo, Tres S'tglos, i. 18; 
Pay no, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da ep. ii. 198-9; TutlilWs Uist. Cal, 7. 



Guzman's Plans and Motives — A Grand Army — Names of Officers — 
Murder of a King — March through Michoacan and Jalisco- 
Crossing the Rio Grande — Mayor Espana — At Omitlan and Aztat- 
lax — Authorities — Advance to Chametla — Map — Quezala Prov- 

Town of Colombo — Local Explorations— Samaniego Reaches the 
Petatlan — Search for the Seven Cities — Lopez Crosses the Sierra 
to Durango — Founding of the Villa de San Miguel de Culiacan — 
Site and Transfers — List of Pobladores — Guzman's Return to 
Jalisco — Founding of Chametla — Nueva Galicia — Compostela the 
Capital — Guzman Governor — His Downfall. 

The first exploration of the far north was destined 
to be by land and not by sea. We have seen Nuiio 
de Guzman sent to Mexico in 1528 from Panuco as 
president of the audiencia and governor of New Spain. 
The year during which he held these positions at the 
capital, like every other year of his New World 
life, was one of dissensions. By the end of 1529 he 
had made himself thoroughly hated by nearly all 
classes. This fact did not trouble him seriously; but 
the signs of the times portended for him danger and 
downfall. Cortes, his foe, but lately an absent crimi- 
nal on trial before a bitterly hostile tribunal, was now 
being feted in Spain as a mighty conqueror. His 
popularity and prospective return signified for Guz- 
man not only removal from office, but a residencia, 
exposure of crimes, persecution by foes maddened 
with long-continued wrongs. He realized that ab- 
sence was his best policy. But a mere running-away 



from 'present clangers was by no means all of the 
crafty lawyer's plan. His departure should be with 
flying colors, and in its ultimate results a grand 
triumph. Victory was to be wrested from the jaws 
of defeat and disgrace. Cortes owed his success to 
his having won a new kingdom for Charles: Guzman 
might also triumph; might atone most effectually in 
royal eyes for past offences, humble a hated rival, and 
win for himself wealth, power, and fame by adding to 
the Spanish domain a mightier realm than had yet 
been conquered in the New World. Where should 
he seek for such a field of conquest? Nowhere 
assuredly but in the north-western land of mystery. 
Guzman was well acquainted with the geographical 
ideas of navigators and scholars of his time, ideas 
which I have noticed in the preceding chapter; and 
there is some evidence that he had thought of an 
expedition to the north even in the days of his high- 
est prosperity. 1 He had just presided at the trial of 
Cortes, and from the voluminous testimony offered 
had become familiar with the great captain's schemes. 
He now resolved to make those schemes his own, to 
execute them in person, and to reap the resulting 
benefits. A nobler nature might have hesitated at 
taking so mean an advantage of his rival's absence: 
to Guzman such an advantage but brightened his 
visions ol success. 

Having once determined on the expedition, Guz- 
man, in view of the expected return of Cortes, lost 
no time in his preparations; nor did he neglect any 
of the advantages afforded by his high position. De- 
tails of these preparations, however, and of Guzman's 

1 It is also said that Guzman had some special information which made 
him the more sanguine. An Indian in his service from the country north of 
Panuco, and whose father had visited the regions of the far north-western 
interior, told of rich and populous towns. Castaneda, in Ternaux-Compans, 
serie i. torn. ix. 1-5, repeated in Duels El Gringo, 58-9; Schoolcraft'' s Arch., 
iv. 22; DomenecK's Deserts, i. 167-8. and other modern works. This seems 
to have been the beginning of the reports respecting the Seven Cities, so 
famous a little later. Whether the tales were founded on a knowledge of the 
Pueblo towns of New Mexico, or were pure inventions, the reader can judge 
perhaps as well as I; either foundation is perfectly possible and satisfactory. 


march through Michoacan and Jalisco have already 
been presented. 2 In December 1529 he marched from 
the capital at the head of five hundred Spanish sol- 
diers and ten thousand Aztec and Tlascaltec allies, 
the most imposing army in some respects that had 
yet followed any New World conqueror. Peralmindez 
Chirinos and Cristobal de Ohate were his chief cap- 
tains, and Pedro de Guzman, a kinsman of the presi- 
dent, bore the standard, a golden virgin on silver 
cloth. Forty are said to have been hidalgos of Spain, 
gentleman-adventurers, exempt from all military ser- 
vice except fighting. 3 The native warriors were decked 
in all their finery, Aztecs and Tlascaltecs vying with 
each other in display as the army marched proudly 
from the capital. 

The route lay through Michoacan and down the 
Rio Grande de Lerma to the region of the modern 
Guadalajara. This first stage of the advance was sig- 
nalized by the brutal and unprovoked murder of King 
Tangaxoan Caltzontzin, after he had been forced by 
torture to furnish thousands of servants for the north- 
ern expedition, and to relinquish all the little wealth 
that remained to him. Later progress was in keep- 
ing with the bloody beginning. In May 1530 the 
several divisions of the army were reunited after 
having overrun the whole of what is now southern 
and eastern Jalisco. Some detachments seem to have 
penetrated as far northward as the sites of Lagos, 

2 See Hist. Mcx. , ii. 293-5, 341 et seq. , this series. 

3 The names of officers mentioned in the different narratives of the expedi- 
tion are: 'Jose Angulo, Francisco Arzeo, Barrios, Cristobal Barrios, Francisco 
Barron, Hernando Perez de Bocanegra, Diego Vazquez de Buendia, Juan de 
Burgos, Juan del Camino, Hernan Chirinos, Pedro A. Chirinos, Cristobal 
Flores, Francisco Flores, Hernando Flores, Nuno de Guzman, Pedro de Guz- 
man, Juan Fernando de Hi jar, Miguel de Ibarra, Lipan, Gonzalo Lopez, 
Francisco de la Mota, Juan Sanchez de Olea, Cristobal de Otaiiez, Cristobal 
de Oiiatc, Juan de Ohate, Juan Pascual, Garcia del Pilar, Diego Hernandez 
Proa ho, Lope de Samaniego, Hernando Sarmiento, Juan de Samano, Cristobal 
de Tapia, Torquemada, Francisco Verdugo, Juan de Villalba, Francisco de 
Villegas, Villaroel, and Zayas. Two chaplains and a Franciscan started with 
the army. Frcjcs, Hist. Breve. Friars Juan de Padilla and Andres de Cordoba 
were with the army in Sinaloa, and Brother Gutierrez became cura there. 
Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 422-3; Tello, Hist. N. Gal, 355. 


Aguas Calientes, Zacatecas, and Jerez. Guzman's 
advance was marked everywhere by complete devasta- 
tion, and few pueblos escaped burning. No attention 
was paid to the rights of the former conquerors, 
Avalos and Francisco Cortes, but the policy was to 
make it appear that the country had never been con- 
quered, and that the present conquest was not an easy 
one; therefore such Indians as were not hostile at 
first, were soon provoked to hostility, that there 
might be an excuse for plunder and destruction and 
carnage, and especially for making slaves. This chap- 
ter of horrors continued to the end of the expedition, 
but outrages were considerably less frequent and ter- 
rible in the far north than south of the Rio Grande. 
A garrison was left at Tepic, the germ of the later 
Compostela, and on May 29th Guzman crossed the 
Rio Tololotlan into unexplored territory, of which he 
took formal possession under the name of Greater 
Spain, a title designed to eclipse that of New Spain 
applied to the conquest of Cortes. Passing on up 
the coast, and spending forty days at Omitlan, on 
what is now the San Pedro River, where Guzman 
heard of Cortes' arrival and the downfall of the first 
audiencia, the army in July went into winter quarters 
at Aztatlan, probably on the River Acaponeta, 4 where 
they remained until December, suffering terribly from 
flood and pestilence, and being obliged to send back 
to Michoacan for supplies and for Indians to fill the 
place of the thousands that had perished. 5 

4 On the location of Omitlan, see Hist. Mex., ii. 358-9, this series. I find 
in Ponce, Relation Breve, lviii. 02-72, some additional information which 
seems to put the doubt as to Aztatlan between the Acaponeta and the stream 
next south instead of the one next north, or Canas. He travelled in the 
country in 1587, and says: ' Half a league beyond San Juan Omitlan was the 
Rio San Pedro, which used to run farther south past Centipac one league 
from the Rio Grande; eight leagues beyond the San Pedro was the Rio Santa 
Ana, after passing two arroyos, and two leagues farther was the Acaponeta 
River and pueblo. Between the two rivers, or on the Sta Ana (not quite 
clear), was San Felipe Aztatlan.' 

5 The leading authorities on Guzman's expedition are as follows: Guzman, 
Relation; Id., Relatione; Id., Relaciones Anonimas (l ra , 2 a , B ra "> 4 ta ); Id., 
Ynformacion solve los Acontetimientox de la Guerra. In Pacheco and Cardenas, 
Col. Doc., xvi. 303-75; Lopez, Relation; Pilar, Relation; Sdmano, Relation; 


Forced to leave Aztatlan lest his whole army should 
perish, for men were dying every day, Guzman sent 
an exploring force under Lope de Samaniego, who 
brought back a favorable report of a place called 
Chametla where the natives were friendly and had 
furnished a supply of food for the army. This was 
the first entry, November 1530, of Europeans into the 
territory since called Sinaloa, the first crossing of the 
line which marks the territorial limits of this volume. 
After Samaniego's return Pilar was sent southward 
in search of Lopez, who had long been expected with 
supplies. Then Verdugo and Proaho were sent for- 
ward to make preparations; and in a few weeks Guz- 
man advanced with the main army, leaving Cristobal 
de Ohate at Aztatlan with a few men. Lopez and 
Pilar soon came up from Jalisco with reinforcements 
and stores, and all proceeded northward to join the 

The province and town of Chametla were on the 
river next above that now known as the Cahas, the 
boundary of the present Sinaloa, The liver still re- 
tains the name of Chametla, and an anchorage at its 
mouth long bore the same name. It is the region of 

Carranza, Relation solve la Jornada qve hizo de Guzman. In Parheeo and 
C&rdenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 347-73. The preceding are narratives of men who 
took part personally in the expedition. The most important general references 
are Oviedo, iii. 5G1-77; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. viii. ; lib. viii. cap. i.-ii.; 
lib. ix. cap. ix.-xii. ; Beaumont, ('ran. Midi., iii. 26G-7, 352-422; Mota Pa- 
(Villa, Conq. N. Gal., 23-66; Tello, Hist. X. Gal.; Frejes, List. Breve, 41-68, 
118-21. For additional information about these authorities, and for list of 
many more, see Hist. J/ex., ii. 373-4, this series. 

6 Humboldt's ma}) and some others, however, locate the port of Chametla 
at the mouth of the Canas. In locating rivers and towns visited by early 
explorers on this part of the coast, I have in every case carefully compared 
the statements of the original authorities with the best modern maps. The 
result in nearly every instance is satisfactory, although I have not the space 
to lay before the reader the steps by which it has been reached, and although 
it would be easy in most cases to find statements in some document not con- 
sistent with my conclusion. The original chroniclers often wrote from mem- 
ory after a lapse of time, and were careless and contradictory in their 
statements of time and distance. The expedition halted usually at several 
towns in a, province and the army was often divided along the route; hence 
each writer in estimating distances between two provinces bases his estimate 
on a different pueblo. Moreover noaecount was taken of the several branches 
of a stream or of several crossings of the same stream. It was always 'mi rio' 
and 'otro rio.' The maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries with 



the present Rosario. The natives, hospitable from 
the first, bad sent back food for the famishing army, 
and had furnished a thousand carriers to bring their 
luggage from the southern camp; but they were un- 

Map of Guzman's Expedition, 1531. 

used to such labor, and their temporary masters inca- 
pable of leniency even to voluntary servants; therefore 

many of the eighteenth, some 25 or 30 of which are before me, aid but little 
in the task, since they were evidently made from some of the documents we 
are considering, and consist for the most part of a series of parallel rivers 
running into the sea in the order mentioned, their number being much greater 
than that of the streams actually existing. Taking into consideration these 
sources of confusion, together with the imperfection of the best modern maps, 
I deem it remarkable that Guzman's route can be so satisfactorily located, 
and that writers have been so much perplexed and disagreed so widely. 


the carriers ran away. The native chiefs, moreover, 
became impatient at the prospect that the Spaniards 
would remain in their province as long as they had 
in Aztatlan. Lopez soon arrived, as we have seen, 
from the south with warriors, carriers, slaves, and 
hoofs; the carriers from Miohoacan were distributed 
among the Spaniards, and Uie slaves from Jalisco sold 
at one dollar a head. 

Guzman was again master of the situation, now that 
his army was restored to something like its original 
strength; and finally it was easy to provoke acts of 
hostility sufficient to afford the slight color of justifi- 
cation required for robbing and burning. Yet the 
work was much less complete in Sinaloa than in north- 
ern Jalisco, and several caciques kept up their friendly 
relations, furnished guides, and opened roads for the 
northern advance undertaken late in January 1531, 
after a stay at Chametla of about a month. 7 The lGth 
of January Guzman had written to the king announc- 
ing his intention to start within eight days for the 
' province of women' said to be not far distant. If not 
prevented by excessive cold he would continue his 
inarch to latitude 40°, believing Chametla to be in 
25°; then he would turn inland and cross to the other 
sea. He had heard of five vessels which sailed up 
this coast four or five years ago, and suspects they 
belonged to Sebastian Cabot's East Indian fleet. 8 

A march of four or five days brought the army to 
a province of Quezala seven or eight leagues beyond 

7 From 20 days to two months according to different narratives. Accord- 
ing to Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 351-5, an army of natives between Aztatlan and 
< hametla made a show of resistance merely, as they explained later, to see 
the ' big deer, ' or horses run. This author, followed by Navarrete, ignores 
all resistance of the natives of Sinaloa and also for the most part all outrages 
committed on them. His narrative is largely filled with a description of re- 
ception ceremonies at each pueblo. No hens were found north of Chametla. 
Guzman, Ira R e l, An6n., 288-9; Lopez, lid., 444. The start was about Jan. 
24th, according to Guzman's letter. 

8 Jan. 16, 1531, Guzman to king, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 
408-14. The letter is chiefly filled with complaints of the way he is being 
treated by the authorities in Mexico, and charges against Cortds. He has 
discovered three large islands named Concepcion. Another letter of Jan. 15th, 
Id., xiv. 400-8, is to the Consejo de Indias on legal matters. 


Chametla on a smaller stream. It was apparently 
the region about the modern Mazatlan. 9 The people 
were different in language, dwellings, and in other 
respects from those met farther south, but they made 
little or no opposition, though Herrera says several 
towns were destroyed. The country before them was 
barren, mountainous, or obstructed by lagoons, and 
explorers were sent forward from each halting-place. 
The army moved on from Frijolar, the last Quezala 
village, in the first week of February. 10 

Piastla was the next province, ten or twelve leagues 
farther up the coast on a river that still retains the 
name. The inhabitants were hostile and several en- 
counters occurred with the uniform result that the 
natives were defeated and their towns destroyed. The 
auxiliaries here became clamorous to return home; 
several were hanged and one burned in the attempt to 
quell insubordination. One squadron escaped but 
were killed by the natives in attempting to reach 
Jalisco, except one man who returned to camp to tell 
the story. 11 Here the houses for purposes of defence 
were built round interior courts; horrid masses of 
snakes with intercoiled bodies and protruding heads 
lay in the dark corners of the dwellings, where they 
were tamed, venerated, and finally eaten; and it was 
noted that the women were more comely here 'than 
elsewhere. Ash Wednesday, February 2 2d, was 
passed at Bayla village, and about the first of March 
the army moved on. 

Ciguatan, "place of women," was a province of eight 

9 Cazala, Culipara or Colipa, Quezala, and Frijolar, or Frijoles — the latter 
so named from the abundance of beans — were the rancher fas passed, none of 
which names seem to have been retained. Puimos is also named by Lopez. 
Relation, 440. 

10 Three Spaniards died at Culipara and two at Quezala. Two Spanish offi- 
cers were degraded in rank here for an attempt to desert. Guzman, 3 ra Rel., 
Avon., 449; Pilar, Relation, 258; Guzman, At« Rel. Anon., 474; Sdmano, Rel, 

11 The Piastla towns in the order visited were: Piastla, Pochotla, La Sal, 
Bayla, and Rinconada; but Samaniego, sent to explore, found both banks of 
the river lined with pueblos down to the sea. La Sal, so named from heaps 
of salt found there, was probably on the northern branch of the river. 

IIist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 3 


pueblos on a river of the same name, also called in 
Spanish Rio cle las Mugeres, and apparently to be 
identified with the stream now known as Rio de San 
Lorenzo. The name Quiht used in the narratives is 
still applied to a town on that river. The rich and 
mysterious isles of the Amazons had been from the 
first one of the strongest incentives to north-western 
exploration in the minds of both Cortes and Guzman. 
The cosmographer by his vagaries had furnished the 
romancer with sufficient foundation for the fable; the 
tales of natives from the first conquest of Michoacan 
had seemed to support it; and as Guzman proceeded 
northward and drew nearer to Ciguatan his hopes 
were greatly excited. Natives along the route were 
willing to gratify the Spanish desire for the marvel- 
lous, or perhaps the interpreters' zeal outran their 
linguistic skill; the women of Ciguatan were repre- 
sented as living alone except during four months of 
the year, when young men from the adjoining prov- 
inces were invited to till their fields by day and 
rewarded with their caresses at night. Boy babies 
were killed or sent to their fathers; girls were allowed 
to grow up. These details with some variations are 
repeated by each writer as having been told before 
they arrived, and as corroborated more or less com- 
pletely by what they saw and heard at Ciguatan, 
where they found many women and few men. But, 
as several of them admit, it was soon discovered that 
the men had either fled to avoid the Spaniards or to 
make preparations for an attack. 1 ' 2 The Amazon bub- 
ble had burst; but the soldiers were by no means in- 
clined to forget the marvels on which their imagina- 

12 Lopez, Bel., 443, says only three males and 1,000 women were found in 
one town. Armienta, Apuntes para la Ilistorta cle Slnaloa, says: ' Estos 
pueblos se hallaban en la 6poca liabitados por mugeres solas, en cumplimiento 
de un voto religioso que las oblige- a vivir separadas de los hombres por un 
perlodo de 20 alios Aztecas.' He ealls the Amazon towns Abuya and Binapa 
at the base of the Tacuchamona range, on the other side of which was Qnezala, 
confounded with the later and more northern Cosala. He also describes the 
reception at Navito by (JO, 000 natives. This narrative, written for a Sinaloa 
newspaper, seems to be mainly taken from Tello's work. 


tions had so long feasted ; they continued to talk long 
after they returned to Mexico of the wonderful City 
of Women. 13 

About the middle of March Guzman left Ciguatan, 
where a conspiracy of the Spaniards had been revealed 
and the ringleader hanged, and passing Quila, Aqui- 
mola, or Quimola, and Las Flechas, passed on to the 
southern branch of the river next northward, that 
now known as the Rio Tamazula, arriving at a town 
called Cuatro Barrios. 14 Thence the army marched 
down the river, crossing at Leon and passing Humaya, 
a name still applied to the northern branch of the 
river, until they reached Colombo, which seems to 
have been one of the largest towns in the Culiacan 
province, and was perhaps not far from the junction 
of the two rivers or the modern site of Culiacan. 
The inhabitants had fled, but were pursued and de- 
feated, first by Samaniego and then by Guzman, who 
took many captives, including a brother of the pro- 
vincial ruler. 15 Colombo was the head-quarters of the 
army during the stay of seven months, and but little 
is said of the town of Culiacan, which seems to have 
been a little farther down the river. 

From Colombo the Spaniards marched down the 
river nearly to the sea, passing many native towns; 
but, finding no satisfactory prospect of farther advance 
north-westward by the coast, they returned, and after 
some additional explorations meagrely and confusedly 
described, celebrated holy week, 2d to 9th of April, at 
Colombo. After easter, Lopez, the maestre de campo, 
was sent to explore, 'by another way,' perhaps up the 

13 Oviedo, iii. 576-7, heard these tales from the soldiers in Mexico; but 
meeting Guzman later in Spain was told the truth. This author says the 
chief pueblo was a well-built town of G,000 houses. He also names Orocomay 
as another Amazon pueblo. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. iii., calls the 
town Zapuatan. 

14 Armienta, Apuntes, speaks of Cuatro Barrios as now called Barrio y 
Moras. He also speaks of a spot on the way thither still called Vizcaino for 
a native of Vizcaya who died there. 

15 Lopez, Relacion, 44G-8, implies that military operations in this part of 
the expedition were chiefly under Cristobal de Onate and himself. He gives 
many details. 


Rio Humaya 16 to a village of Cinco Barrios, whither 
Guzman marched and waited twenty days, while Lopez 
penetrated some fifteen leagues northward into the 
mountains; but no further pass being found all re- 
turned again to Culiacan. Samaniego was sent again 
to attempt the coast route, and succeeded without 
much difficulty in reaching the Rio de Petatlan — so 
called from the petates, or mats, with which the natives 
covered their dwellings — now the Rio de Sinaloa. 
But he found no large towns or rich provinces, only a 
comparatively barren tract inhabited by a rude people, 
and returned to join his commander. 

As a matter of fact the country north of Culiacan 
was by no means impassable; nor were the difficulties 
much greater than had already been overcome; but 
after the disappointment respecting the Amazon coun- 
try, of which so much had been expected, the north- 
west had no charms that could rekindle the hopes 
of Guzman and his men. Two destinations had been 
talked of when the expedition left Mexico, the Ama- 
zon isles and the Seven Cities. Disappointed in his 
search for the former, Guzman now determined to 
seek the latter by crossing the sierra eastward. Dur- 
ing Samaniego's absence two exploring parties had 
been sent out, and one of them had found a pass. In 
May the army set forth, and marched some twenty- 
five leagues, much of the way up the Mugeres River, 
the headwaters of which they also crossed far up in 
the mountains later, to a town of Guamochiles. Lo- 
pez was sent forward, and after twenty days sent 
back a message that he had crossed all the sierras, 
had reached a town, and was about to start for a 
large province three days distant. Guzman at once 
despatched Captain Saniano to join the maestre, and 
soon started himself, although so ill that he had to be 

1G But possibly the Tamazula. The way in which the narrators speak of 
'a river,' 'the river,' 'another river,' Rio de Mugeres, Rio de Pascua, etc., 
is simply exasperating. Samano, however, Relation, 285, says the explora- 
tion was up a river flowing into that of Culiacan; and Lopez, Relation, 450-3, 
also mentions a junction of streams. 


carried in a litter. For many days the Spaniards and 
allies pursued their toilsome way over difficult moun- 
tain passes, forty leagues in all, as Garcia del Pilar 
estimates it, and when almost across the range met 
Lopez returning with the report that a march of 
seventy leagues across the plains had led to nothing. 
The country afforded no supplies, and to advance was 
sure destruction. Slowly and despondently Guzman 
retraced his steps, with great hardships and losses, 
especially of horses, to Culiacan, or Colombo, where 
he arrived on Santiago day, or July 25th. Exactly 
what regions Lopez had explored it is impossible to 
say, since no points of the compass are given and the 
distances are evidently much exaggerated. In a gen- 
eral way we may suppose that he ascended the Tama- 
zula, crossed the sources of the Mugeres, or San 
Lorenzo, reached a branch of the Rio Nazas, and 
advanced nearly to the eastern limit of Central Du- 
rango. 17 

Back in Culiacan Guzman occupied himself with 
the foundation of the Villa de San Miguel, also send- 
ing out several minor expeditions in different direc- 
tions to keep the natives in subjection and obtain 
supplies. 18 Captain Diego de Proano was made al- 

17 Lopez, Relation, 455-60, gives a somewhat detailed account of his trip, 
which is briefty as follows, and may be compared with the map in this chap- 
ter: Onate had found a pass in the region where Lopez had been before. 
From Guamochiles (there are some indications that this town was near that 
of Cinco Barrios) crossed the Rio de Mugeres near its source, over a range 4 
leagues up and 6 down to a pueblo; 8 or 9 days up and down to some plains, 
a fine river, and a pueblo; had a battle on the river near a great bend; some 
explorations up and down the river; a messenger sent back to Guzman. Then 
'east as before' nearly 60 leagues through a Chichimec country, to a river ' very 
large for one flowing inland;' it flowed sometimes east and sometimes south; 
down it a short distance; then left it and went south 3 days with nothing to 
eat to a river and a settlement of 50 houses. Left Hernan Chirinos and re- 
turned with 5 men by a different route through great valleys in 3 days to the 
river where the fight had occurred. Here met Samano with news that Guz- 
man was coming. Lopez went to meet Guzman, who against Lopez' advice 
resolved to recall the men and give up the exploration. 

18 It is not impossible that the explorations of Onate and Angulo to be 
mentioned in a subsequent chapter and represented by most authors as having 
been made after Guzman's departure, should be included in these expeditions. 
In one of them Samaniego visited the coast, and according to Guzman, S ra 
Eel. Anon., 459, discovered a fine bay which he named San Miguel, formed 
by an island eight leagues in circumference and about one league from the 


calcle mayor of the new villa, and one hundred sol- 
diers, fifty cavalry, and fifty infantry were left as 
vecinos, Brother Alvaro Gutierrez being the curate 
in charge. Land was allotted to each citizen with 
such swine and cattle as could be spared from the 
army. Many of the surviving carriers from the south 
were obliged to remain much against their will; by a 
system of repartimientos each settler was entitled to 
the services of a certain number of natives; and 
authority was granted to enslave all hostile Indians. 
Lar^e stores of beads and other trifles were also left 
to be bartered with the natives for food. It is diffi- 
cult to determine the exact site which was chosen 
for the villa, or that to which it was transferred in 
this or the following year, and from which it was at 
an unknown date again moved to or near the spot 
now occupied by the city of Culiacan. It is prob- 
able, however, that the original location was on the 
Rio de Mugeres, or San Lorenzo, near its mouth. 19 

Having completed his arrangements for the new 
settlement, Guzman with his army started southward 
in the middle of October, and returned to Jalisco by 
the same route he had come, without incidents calling 
for mention. On the way, however, or very soon after 

main. Herrera, Descrip. de las Ind., cap. xx. ii.(ed. 1730), not only describes 
such an island under the name of Guayabal, but locates it on his map as ex- 
tending nearly the whole distance from the Rio de Culiacan (Pascua) to the 
Petatlan (Nra Senora). This is remarkable, as no such island exists. 

19 Lopez, Bel., 401, says it was on the Rio de Mugeres. In Guzman, 
3<*> Rel. Anon, 459, it is located on the Rio de Aguatan (Ciguatan?). Plerrera, 
dec. iv. lib. ix. xi., says it was near the Mugeres. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 355, 
and Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 421-2, say it was at Navito, which is near 
the mouth of the San Lorenzo. According to the l ra Ild. An6n., 21)2, and 
gda Rel, An6n., 304, it was in the Horaba Valley, soon moved down the river 
live leagues to a site two leagues above tide- water; and finally many old maps 
put San Miguel on the stream next south of the Culiacan. Tello, who says 
the town was transferred the same year (erroneously given as 1532) to Culia- 
can, tells us that Melchor Diaz was made alcalde mayor — as he was a little 
later— and names as the first pobladorcs the following: — Pedro de Tobar, 
Diego Lopez, Estevan Martin, Juan de Medina, Pedro de Najera, Cristobal 
de Tapia, Juan de Bastida, Lazaro de Cebreros, Maldonado Bravo, Pedro 
Alvarez, Alonso Mejia Escalante, Juan Hidalgo de Plasencia, Diego de Men- 
doza, Pedro de Gamica, Pedro Cordero, Juan de Barca, Diego de Torres, 
Juan de Soto, Juan de Mintanilla, Juan de Baeza, Alvaro de Arroyo, Sebas- 
tian de Evora, Alonso Cordero, Pedro de Aniendia 5 Alonso de Avila, Juan 
Munoz, and Alonso Rodriguez. 


his return, he formed a small settlement at Chametla, 20 
of whose early annals we know little or nothing be- 
yond the fact that it maintained for years a precarious 
existence, sometimes beino^ abandoned altogether. 

Back in Jalisco Guzman gave but the slightest at- 
tention to the far north, confining his efforts to the 
organization of his government, the distribution among 
his partisans of lands south of the Rio Grande in the 
regions which he pretended to have reconquered, and 
in the foundation of Spanish towns. By royal order 
the name of Nueva Galicia was substituted for the 
more pompous one of Mayor Espaiia, applied by Guz- 
man ; it included all the newly discovered regions from 
Jalisco northward; and Don Nuno was made its gov- 
ernor, retaining for a time his title also of governor of 
Panuco, and even pretended to retain that of president 
of New Spain. Compostela was made the capital. 
Soon the governor became involved in troubles which 
brought about his downfall; but these troubles have 
been fully recorded in another part of my w T ork, where 
also an analysis of Guzman's character has been given. 21 
Of this pioneer explorer in the far north much may 
be said in regard to his ability, but otherwise his char- 
acter presented not a single praiseworthy or attractive 
feature. He died in poverty and disgrace; but the 
misfortunes of his last years awaken no sympatlry, nor 
would they do so had they included burning at the 
stake. I shall still have occasion to refer to some of 
his acts in opposition to the efforts of Cortes. 

20 Frejes, Hist. Breve, 184, says that Guzman founded Chametla on his way- 

21 See Hist. Mex. t ii. 365-72, 457-61. 




Voyage of Hurtado de Mendoza — Instructions and Mishaps — Guzman's 
Version — A New Fleet — Voyage of Becerra and Grijalva — Mutiny 
of Jimenez — Discoveries— Expedition of Hernan Cortes — March 
through nueva galicia — colony at santa cruz — failure — events 
at San Miguel de Culiacan — Vaguely Recorded Explorations — 
on ate and angulo — expedition of dlego de guzman — to the rlo 
Yaqui — Indian Troubles at San Miguel — Raids for Plunder and 
Slaves — Spaniards Found in the North — Narvaez in Florida — 
Cabeza de Vaca in Texas — Wanderings across the Continent — 
Route — Did not Reach New Mexico — Arrival on the Yaqui and at 
San Miguel — Subsequent Career. 

We left Cortes in 1530 disheartened at the success- 
ful efforts of his enemies to impede the construction 
of four vessels then on the stocks at Acapulco and 
Tehuantepec. 1 The new audiencia, however, gave him 
at first a little encouragement, and even ordered him 
to persevere in his schemes of north-western discov- 
ery. 2 It required but little to rekindle all the con- 
queror's old enthusiasm, and accordingly early in 1532 
he had the two vessels at Acapulco, the San Miguel 
and San Marcos, ready to start. 3 Diego Hurtado de 

1 Cortfs, Escritos Sueltos, 205-8. 

2 And this according to the royal order of July 12, 1530, by which the 
audiencia is to notify Cortes that he must begin the building of his vessels 
within a year and have his fleet ready to sail in two years, under penalty of 
losing his privilege. Puga, Cedulario, 41. 

3 Sr Navarrete, Sutil y Mex. Viage, introd., xi.-xii., states that Cortes 
bought these two vessels in Nov. 1531 from Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte. 
As this author obtained his informarion from a p7-ecio*o manuscrito in the 
royal academy I will not question the accuracy of the assertion; at the same 
time I think they were the same vessels already referred to as built by Cortes 
at Acapulco. If he "bought them of Villafuerte it was perhaps because he 
had sold them to that officer in the time of his despondency. Guzman 



Mendoza, a kinsman of the captain-general, 4 was 
chosen to command this fleet, the first to navigate the 
Pacific above Colima. 5 Hurtado's instructions are 
extant and in several respects interesting. 6 He is to 
follow the coast at a distance of eight or ten leagues 
at sea, but always in sight of land, and to keep a 
specially sharp lookout seaward for land in the west. 
In case such land is discovered, great precautions are 
prescribed in dealing with the natives, the present 
purpose being not to conquer but to avoid a conflict 
and seek information. Great care must be used to 
learn what vessels the natives have, and if they prove 
superior to those of the Spaniards the fleet is not to 
risk capture, but is to return and report. Twenty 
leagues beyond the latitude of Colima, if the western 
land be not found sooner, the fleet was to turn west- 
ward for twelve or fifteen leagues, and at that distance 
to continue up the coast until the limit of Guzman's 
exploration was passed. This limit was to be recog- 
nized by the sierra approaching the sea, the obstacle 
which had stopped Guzman's progress. Beyond this 
point Hurtado was to land and take possession at dif- 
ferent places, exploring the shore, ports, and rivers 
for a hundred or a hundred and fifty leagues, and 
thence to return, and report to Cortes from the first 
Spanish port he might reach. 

The two vessels sailed from Acapulco in May or 
June 1532, 7 the San Marcos as flag-ship, while the 

claimed, Proceso del Marques, 344, very likely the document consulted by 
Navarrete, that he, Guzman, had built the vessels for a pearl voyage, but 
they were confiscated by the oidores after his departure and sold to Villafuerte 
and by him to Cortes. They were not fit for discovery, nor were supplies and 
arms sufficient. 

4 ' Un primo mio que se dice Diego de Hurtado.' Cort6s, Cartas, 304. See 
also Proceso del Marques del Vcdle, in Pacheco, Col. Doc, xv. 301. 

5 We have seen that three of Saavedra's Vessels in 1.327 went up to Port 
Santiago in Colima. Rumors of other and earlier expeditions by Cortes, 
Anian, Maldonado, etc., have no foundation in fact. ' J'ai trouv6 dans un 
manuscrit conserve dans les archives de la vice-royaute de Mexico, que la Cali- 
fornie avoit 6te decouverte en 1526. J'ignore sur quoi se fonde cette asser- 
tion.' Humboldt, Ess. Pol., 309. 

6 Cortes, Escrilos, 19G-205; Col. de Doc. In6d., para la Hist, de Esparto,, iv. 
1G7-75. The instructions bear no date. 

7 Cortds, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 541, says they sailed in 


San Miguel was under the command of Juan de Ma- 
zuela. 8 Touching at the port of Santiago in Colima, 
just above the modern Manzanillo, 9 where he took on 
board some supplies. Hurtado sailed to the port of 
Jalisco, 10 where he wished to obtain water, but was 
forbidden by Nufio de Guzman's orders, and was ob- 
liged to set sail immediately by a gale of wind, though 
Guzman charged him with having landed and taken 
supplies by force.- 

Some months later one of the vessels, probably the 
San Miguel, was driven ashore in the bay of Banderas, 
just below Matanchel, and her company, weakened 
by sickness and famine, were attacked by the natives 
and all killed save two or three, who escaped to Co- 
lima to tell the story, while Guzman took possession 
of all that could be saved from the wreck; or at least 
he was accused by Cortes of having done so. 11 From 

May. Gomara, Conq. Mez., 288, makes the date Corpus Christi, or May 24th, 
in which he is followed by Bamusio, Navig., iii. 339. Lorenzana, Cortes, Hist., 
323, Venegas, Not. Cal., i. 151-2, and Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov., i. 165-7, 
give the date as May simply. I think May 24th was probably the date, but 
have left it indefinite, because Navarrete, with access perhaps to original docu- 
ments, says positively it was June 30th. Mofras, Explor., i. 01, follows 
Navarrete. Payno, Soc. Mex. Geog., 2 da Ep., ii. 199, says May 1530. In 
the Notirias de Exped., G70, the date is given as March 20, 1531. Taylor, in 
Browne's L. Ccd., 14, makes it June 3, 1531. The matter is not important 
as no other date is kno.wn in connection with the voyage. 

8 Also treasurer, Francisco de Acuiia was vxaestro of the Ban Miguel; 
Alonzo de Molina, purveyor; Miguel Marroquin, maestre de campo; Juan 
Ortiz de Cabex, alcalde mayor; Melchor Fernandez, pilot. Gomara, Hist. 
Mex., 288. 

9 Navarrete calls the port also Guatlan. Cort<?s in his instructions to 
Saavedra in 1527, Navarrete, Col. Viages, v. 454, calls it Aguatan. 

10 The port of Jalisco, or Matanchel, was immediately south of the modern 
San Bias, and not apparently identical with it. I find no name for any cor- 
responding harbor on modern maps. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 490-1, says 
it was the port of Banderas where Hurtado was forbidden to enter. 

11 Guzman's story, as told in connection with later legal proceedings, 
Pacheco and Cdrdcna*, Col. Hoc, xii. 439-49, is as follows: The maestre of 
the vessel landed with six men to find out what part of the coast they were 
on. Four of them w r ere killed })y the Indians, and three came to Purificacion 
and reported to the alcalde, Hijflr, who went to see the vessel. On arrival it 
was found that she had gone to pieces, and the remaining 17 men, under 
Francisco Rodriguez, had gone inland, where all were killed by the Indians. 
From the vessel nothing w r as saved but a few broken and rotten spars, ropes, 
nails, etc. In 1534 Guzman could not swear to details, since Hi jar had 
attended to the matter; but the property was his because found abandoned 
in his territory, and because Cortes' expedition was unauthorized. Still if 
any one thought he had a claim he might bring suit and justice would be 



Explorations. 1532-6. 


these survivors were learned some particulars respect- 
ing the voyage. Having at the start discovered and 
taken possession of the group of islands which they 
called Magdalena, since known as the Tres Marias, 12 
they were tossed about in a storm for seven or eight 
days, and finally landed in an "arm of the sea" ex- 
tending eight or ten leagues inland. 13 Here they re- 
mained over twenty days, until their provisions were 
nearly exhausted and the men became mutinous. 
Finally Hurtado, taking with him a part of the force 
on one vessel, sailed northward to continue the ex- 
ploration, while the malcontents attempted to return 
southward, with what result we have seen. 14 " Nunca 
mas se supo de el" is the conclusion of several writers 
respecting Hurtado; 15 but the next year Diego de 
Guzman, exploring northward from Culiacan, found 
relics of the ill-fated crew, and learned from the 
natives that the commander with twenty or thirty 
men, having left the vessel and gone up the Rio 
Tamotchala, now the Rio Fuerte, to the villages, 
were killed when sleeping, sickness and fatigue having 
rendered them careless. 16 The few men left in charge 
of the vessel were also killed by the Indians a little 

12 Yet it appears that in March 1532 Pedro de Guzman was in command 
of a brig at Matanchel; and that sailing on the 18th he took possession for 
Don Nuiio of the islands called Ramos, Nuestra Sefiora, and Magdalena. So 
at least it was claimed in 1540. Proceso del Marquis, 319-21. Guzman, in 
Id., 344-6, complains of Hurtado's act in taking new possession. 

13 Gomara and Herrera state that this port was 200 leagues beyond Jalisco; 
Navarrete's authority says the voyagers located it in 27°; Taylor thinks it 
was near the Mayo River. Of course conjectures on the matter amount to 
very little. 

11 It is fair to give also Guzman's version. He says they anchored in 
Chametla, where 38 men refused to go on, and remained with the vessel. 
Twenty of them came by land to Compostela, where they were arrested. The 
other 18. under Francisco Cortt'S (Rodriguez?), came down by sea to Purifica- 
cion and landed, as elsewhere described (see note 11). Proceso del Marques, 
34G. Navarrete also says that 20 men came down by land. 

15 We are informed by Navarrete that Hurtado and his men were drowned, 
and he implies, while Mofras states clearly, that they met their fate at the 
Tres Marias. 

16 Guzman, Relacion, 101-2; Guzman, 2 da Pel. Avon., 297. See also Her- 
rera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. vii.; lib. vii. cap. iii.; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iii. 4S5, 
490-1; Alerjre, Hist. Com p. Jesus, i. 235. Guzman, Proceso del Marquts, 
346, .says that Hurtado, a negro, and an Indian slave were killed for their 
outrages on the natives. 


later, and the 'wooden house' in which the strangers 
came was driven ashore and broken up at the mouth 
of the Rio Petatlan, now the Sinaloa. Cortes attrib- 
uted the failure of this expedition to the hostility of 
Guzman, preventing his landing for supplies and re- 
pairs. 17 

Assured that the San Miguel was lost, and receiving 
no tidings of the San Marcos, Cortes had still loft two 
other vessels on the stocks at Tehuantepec. He went 
in person to the coast to superintend their completion 
and out-fitting. 18 The command was given to Diego 
Becerra, like Hurtado a relative of Cortes, 19 who 
sailed on the Conception as capitana with Fortun 
Jimenez 20 as piloto mayor. Hernando de Grijalva 
commanded the San Ldzaro with Martin de Acosta 
as piloto. 21 They set sail from Tehuantepec on the 
29th or 30th of October 1533. 22 

The second night out of port the vessels were sepa- 
rated and never met again. Captain Becerra was an 
arbitrary and disagreeable man, disliked by all under 
his orders, and it is more than probable that Grijalva 
had no desire to rejoin his commander. The official 

v Recd Provision, 1534, 35. 

18 Cortes states that he lived for a year and a half in a small house on the 
shore and even aided personally in the work. Real Provision, 1534, 35-6. 
See also Hist. Mex., ii. 422, this series; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc.,xii. 

19 lb. The hidalgo Diego Bezerra de Mendoza, one of the Bezerras of Bada- 
joz or Merida. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq. Mex., 232-3. 

20 ABiscayan, whose mime is written Fortunio, Ortufio, and Ortun. 

21 Romay, Cventa de lo que ha gastado el Marques del Valle, Armada de 1533, 
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 298-313, names also the following 
officers: Juan Ochoa, escribano; Francisco Palazuelos, surgeon; and padres 
Martin de la Coruiia, Juan de San Miguel, and Francisco Pastrana. Military 
officials besides Becerra and Grijalva: Bernaldino de Hinojosa, treasurer; 
Pedro de Fuentes, alguacil mayor; Juan de Carasa, contador; Antonio de 
Ulloa, maestre de campo; and Fernando de Alvarado, veedor. Juan de los 
Pinos, maestre, and Martin Perez de Lescano, contra-maestre, of the Concep- 
tion) Juan Garcia, maestre of the San Ldzaro. There were 43 sailors and 
maritime officials, to whom was paid 7,499 pesos. 

22 From the 'puerto de Jucatan (Jucutlan?), llamadola Bahia de Santiago 
de Buena Esperanza, donde se fabricaron los navios,' Grijalva, Relacion. 
Probably the modern San Diego in 10° 1'. Navarrete, in Sutil y Mex., Viage, 
xiii.-xvii. ; Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 52-4, and Lorenzana, Cortes Hist., 323-4, 
say that the expedition sailed in 1534. 


diary of Grijalva's voyage has been preserved, 23 but 
unfortunately it is of slight importance for my purpose, 
as it only records, for the most part, a series of nautical 
minutias of adventures in open sea, of courses and lati- 
tudes not to be depended on, and all apparently south of 
the latitude of Cape Corrientes. In the course of his 
wanderings, however, Grijalva discovered the islands 
now known as the Revilla Gigedo group, landing on 
Socorro, and naming it Santo Tomas from the day of 
that saint, Dec. 20th. The northern islands of this 
group were styled Los Inocentes. From a point on 
the Colima coast the San Ldzaro sailed southward in 
February 1534 to Acapulco, where after refitting she 
was sent on another expedition in a vain search for 
islands in the south and south-west. 

Grijalva, it appears, was not the only one in the 
fleet who desired to be rid of Captain Becerra; but 
the pilot Jimenez and his companions accomplished 
their purpose in a more criminal manner. Soon after 
parting with the San Ldzaro they murdered Becerra 
while asleep, 24 wounded the few who cared to oppose 
their acts, and at the earnest request of two Franciscan 
friars on board landed both padres and the wounded 
on the Colima coast at Motin, 25 whence some of the 
party brought the news to Cortes. 

23 Relation de la Jornada que hizo d descubrir en la Mar del Sur el Capitan 
Hernando de Grijalva, etc., in Florida, Col. Doc., i. 1G3-72; also in Pac/ieco, 
Col. Doc, xiv. 128-42. I have also the MS. copy made from the original in 
Spain by Mr Buckingham Smith. This belonged to the valuable collection of 
the late E. G. Squier, added to my own since that gentleman's death. Some 
drawings in this manuscript, representing mermaids, or 'men-fish' seen on 
several occasions during the voyage, have been published as above, and in the 
atlas of Sutil y Mex. Viage. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vii. cap. iii-iv., doubtless 
saw this document. 

u ' Decretando en el cruel tribunal de su alevosa intencion, apagar las luces 
de sus sentidos con la funesta mano de su atrevimicnto,' etc., is the flowery 
style in which Salazar tells the story. Hist. Conq. Mex., 442-4. Bernal Diaz 
says some of Becerra's men were also killed. In Proceso del Marques del 
Valle, 301, the murderer is called Martin Ruiz de Bertinclona, and this in a 
legal document by the representative of Cortes. 

"The name Motin was not, as might be supposed, given at the time. A 
Cape Motin is mentioned in the diary of the first voyage between Zacatula 
and Santiago. Saavedra, Relation, 89. Taylor, L. Ceil., 14-15, thinks it was 
in the vicinity of Mazatlan. Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iii. 485-C, 490, says P. 
Martin de Jesus was one of the friars. He was one of the most prominent of 
early Franciscans in Michoacan. See note 21. 


Some time later — we have no exact dates — three or 
four sailors brought the Conception into the port of 
Chametla, or perhaps Matanchel, 26 and their brief tale 
is all we can ever know of their companions' fate. It 
seems that the wicked Jimenez, freed from uncongenial 
authority, sailed on in accordance with the dead cap- 
tain's instructions till he reached a bay on an island 
coast as he supposed. Attempting to land and take 
possession, he was killed with over twenty of his com- 
panions, and the few left took advantage of a favorable 
wind to bring the vessel to Chametla. 27 Nuho de 
Guzman at once conceived the idea of refitting the 
craft thus providentially thrown into his hands, and 
undertaking a voyage of discovery on his own account. 
The sailors brought from the new island reports, and 
perhaps samples, of pearls, which proved an additional 
incentive. He at once seized the vessel and by a 
pretence of trial and legal formalities tried to detain 
the surviving sailors and thus keep Cortes in ignor- 
ance of his plans, but they managed to escape and 
were not long in acquainting the captain-general with 
what had occurred. 28 

2G Gomara, Conq. Mex., 288-9, says two sailors. Cortes, Icazbalceta, Col. 
Doc.,ii. 35-6, says that two started to come to him to report, but were arrested 
by Guzman. In Icazbalceta's introduction to torn. ii. xxv.-vi. it is stated that 
20 men escaped to Jalisco. Salazar, Hist. Conq. Mex., 442-4, makes them re- 
turn to the port of Jalisco instead of Chametla. Guzman, Proceso del Mar- 
ques, 346-7, says the vessel grounded at Espiritu Santo. See, also, Oviedo, 
iv. G07, on this voyage. 

2i Guzman testiiied, Proceso del Marques, 346-7, that two men came across 
from the island before the massacre to Purificacion, and thence by land to 
Compostela, one being killed on the way and the other arrested by Onate on 
arrival. (See note 26. ) One man on shore escaped the massacre and swam 
off to the vessel, on which were four or five men. 

28 It appears that the report which first reached Cortes was to the effect 
that Jimenez had with his men joined Guzman against the captain-general. 
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 430. According to the Not iciade Expe- 
diciones, 670, this expedition consisted of three vessels under Barrera and Gri- 
jalva. They went up to 26°, saw rivers which they named Santiago, San 
Pedro, and Clota, when they heard that Hurtado was yet sailing along the 
coast. Parted by a hurricane, Barrera returned to Acapulco, while Grijalva 
took refuge behind a small island which he called Ballenas, between 28° and 
29° ! Mr Jarves founds his romance of Kiana on the theory that two of Gri- 
jalva's ships were never heard of except in the Hawaiian Islands, where the 
arrival of Spaniards in olden time is recorded in native tradition. Unless his 
information respecting the tradition is more correct than that on the voyage, 
I fear his theories will not be generally accepted. 


Other vessels must have been far toward comple- 
tion when Becerra's fleet sailed from Teliuan tepee, 
for as early as September 1534 Cortes stated to the 
audiencia that he had four large ships ready to con- 
tinue the exploration. No sooner was the result of 
Becerra's voyage known from the sailors who had 
landed at Chametla, than complaint was made to the 
audiencia of Guzman's acts. Consequently that tri- 
bunal the 19th of August ordered the governor of 
New Galicia to give up the vessel he had seized and 
by no means to undertake any expedition to the island 
discovered by Jimenez; but again the 2d of Septem- 
ber another order was issued enjoining Cortes also 
from undertaking a voyage to that island, on the 
ground that Guzman was understood to have already 
sent a ship thither and ' scandal ' was feared in case 
the two hostile leaders should meet. This was made 
known to the marquis on the 4th, and the next day he 
presented a long protest against that order, recapitu- 
lating his past services and the sacrifices he was mak- 
ing at an advanced age in the emperor's service. He 
called attention to the great cost of the vessels that 
had been lost and of those now ready to sail, alluding 
to his direct authority from the government to under- 
take voyages of discovery, and finally declared that 
Guzman neither had sent nor could send an expedition, 
as he had neither men nor vessels, the Conception 
being stranded on the coast. 29 

Respecting the action taken by the audiencia on 
this protest we only know that Gonzalo de Buiz was 
sent to New Galicia to investigate Guzman's acts and 
arrest other offenders, restoring any property that 
might have been taken from Cortes. 30 But, either 
disgusted with the slowness of that tribunal to do him 

29 The documents referred to are given in the Real Provision sobre Descu- 
brimit ntos en el Mar del Sur. 

30 Commission and instructions to Ruiz dated Sept. 14th, 22d, in Pacheco 
and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xii. 429-39. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vii. cap. iv. , says 
the audiencia informed Cortes it could do nothing, Guzman's province being a 
separate government not under the jurisdiction of the Mexican tribunal. 


justice, or more probably fortified by some document- 
ary authority from its oidores, Cortes resolved not 
only to despatch a third expedition, but to command 
it in person. Volunteers were called for, including 
families for the permanent occupation of the new 
island. The prestige of the great conqueror, the ap- 
parent confirmation of his well known views respect- 
ing the South Sea islands, and the current report of 
the pearl discovery were all-powerful; Cortes soon had 
more applicants than he could accommodate. A large 
store of supplies was prepared, 31 and late in 1534 or at 
the beginning of 1535 three vessels were despatched 
from Tehuantepec for Chametla, probably under Her- 
nando de Grijalva. They were the San Ldzaro, Santa 
Agueda, and Santo Tomds, and arrived safely at their 
first destination, no particulars of the voyage being 

A little later, in the spring of 1535, 32 Cortes started 
for Chametla by land at the head of a large force, 33 
not at all averse as we may well believe to a conflict 
with the governor of New Galicia. But Guzman, too 
weak to make a successful fight, kept out of the way, 
being called to the valley of Banderas by Indian diffi- 
culties, and afforded the captain-general no pretext 
for hostilities. There was, however, some correspond- 
ence between the two rivals. The 20th of February 
Guzman, at Compostela, commissioned Pedro de Ulloa 
to go and meet Cortes, and to serve on him a legal 
warning not to enter his jurisdiction, or if he had 
already done so to retire. Ulloa found Cortes four 
days later at Iztlan, and at Ahuacatlan on the 25th 

31 But Mendoza in his letter to Carlos V. says the expedition was composed 
of 'quelques fantassins et un petit nombre de cavaliers assez mal pourvus des 
objets neccssaires.' Tenaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. torn. ix. 2SG-7. Also in 
Hakluyt'a Vo>/., iii. 3G4-5. 

32 Navarrete, Sutil y Mex., Viarje, xvii. ; Id., Viage* Ap6c, 2.7-8, says 
erroneously it was in Aug. 1534. Taylor gives the date Aug. 1531. 

33 A witness in a subsequent lawsuit testitied that there were 400 Spaniards 
and 300 negroes. Also in Mofras, Explor., i. 92-3. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Ver~ 
dad., 233-4, says the colony consisted of 320 persons, including 34 married 

Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. i 


received his formal reply. The captain-general denied 
the right of the governor to prevent the passage 
through his province of an officer engaged in the ser- 
vice of his Majesty, warning Guzman to place no 
impediment in his way under penalty of punishment. 
This reply reached the governor before March 9th, 
on which date he wrote to the audiencia protesting 
against his rival's determination to invade New Gali- 
cia. 34 The sea and land expeditions having been re- 
united at Chametla, Cortes sailed for the north-west 
about the middle of April, 35 taking on board his fleet 
of three vessels, for the Concepcion seems to have been 
found in such a condition as to be unserviceable, 36 
about one third of his entire force with thirty horses. 37 
Having sighted a point named San Felipe, and an 
island of Santiago whose identity is purely con- 
jectural, the fleet entered on May 3d the bay of Santa 
Cruz, so named from the day, where, according to the 
statement of the survivors, Jimenez had perished with 
his company; and where,, in fact, relics of that unfor- 
tunate band were shortly found. This bay was on 
the eastern coast of the peninsula later known as 
California, and is generally supposed to be identical 
with the present La Paz. 38 On the day of landing 

Zi Paeheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xii. 448-50; xiii. 443-5. Hijar, alcalde 
at Puriiicacion, testified later that Cort<?s entered his office and by force took 
from under his bed two tiros de artilleria. Id., xvi. 539-47. Guzman writes 
June 7th and 8th, 1535, giving an account of Indian troubles claimed by him 
to have been caused by the bad policy of Cortes while passing through Jalisco. 
Id., xiii. 41G, 445. Cortes in a letter of June 5, 1536, speaks of having stopped 
a few days at Compostela during this trip. Cortes, Cartas, 535-7, 559-GO. 

35 Navarrete, Sutily Mex., Viage, xvii.-xxi., says on April 15th. Guzman 
in letters of June 7th, 8th, 1535, says April 18th. Cortes, Cartas, 537; Paeheco 
and Cdrdmas, Col. Doc., xiii. 415-17, 448. Most writers, save such as have 
followed Navarrete, make the year 1536. 

36 Although Lorenzana, Cortes, Hist. N. Espana, 324, Clavigcro, Storia 
Cal., 149-51, Venegas, Not. Col., i. 155-8, and Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 
555, say that she was refitted. 

37 According to Gomara, Conq. Mex., 2S9, 300 Spaniards, 37 women, and 
130 horses were left under Andres de Tapia. Guzman says he took 113 peones 
and 40 horsemen, leaving 60 horsemen. Cortes, Cartas, 537; Paeheco and 
Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 417, 448. 

3K There is so far as I know no very strong proof for or against this iden- 
tity; but it was favored by the Spaniards from the earliest times. Marcou, 
Notes, 5, says the bay became known in later years as Bah fa de los Muertos 
on account of the massacre of Jimenez, Becerra(!), and others. 


formal possession was taken for Spain, and the act 
duly recorded in legal form. 39 

Remaining at Santa Cruz with his smallest vessel 
Cortes sent the other two across to the main to bring 
over a part of the remaining force and supplies. 
These vessels seem to have made the trip successfully 
and were sent back to bring the remaining colonists. 40 
In this attempt they were less fortunate, being driven 
up the coast to a river which they called San Pedro 
y San Pablo, where they were detained several months. 
Finally they came down to the port of Guayabal/ 1 
learned that the colonists had come up overland to San 
Miguel, and started for Santa Cruz with supplies, 
more needed than additional mouths to feed as was 
correctly judged. One vessel crossed the gulf suc- 
cessfully, but the other, probably the San Ldzaro, 
was wrecked on the Jalisco coast, and her men re- 
turned to Mexico, as did the colonists from San Mi- 
guel, perhaps, since we hear no more of them. 

At the earnest request of his men Cortes now took 
command of one of the two remaining vessels, and 
with Grijalva in charge of the other, again crossed 
over to Guayabal ; narrowly escaped shipwreck at the 
entrance of that harbor; and, having loaded both 
vessels with supplies, started to return. The voyage 
was a rough one. A falling yard killed the pilot, 
Anton Cordero, and Cortes was obliged to steer him- 

39 Cortds, Auto de Posesion que de las Tierras que habia descuhierto en el 
Mar del Stir, tomd el Marque's del Voile en el puerto y bahia de Santa Cruz, 
3 de Mayo 1535. In Navarrete, Col. Viajes, iv. 190-2; Procexo del Marques, 
306-8. Martin de Castro was the escribano, and the witnesses, Dr Juan 
Gonzalez de Valdivieso, alcalde mayor, Juan de Jaso, Alonso de Navarrete, 
Fernando Arias de Saavedra, Bernardino del Castillo, and Francisco(?) de 
Ulloa. May 10th, Cortes caused to be publicly read the royal order author- 
izing him to rule over the countries he might discover. Same witnesses, ex- 
cept Castillo, and Alonso de Ulloa instead of Francisco, all captains. Pachcco 
and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 490-6. 

40 Cortes, Escritos, 292-3, followed by Navarrete. Others say that all three 
vessels were sent across at first, the smallest returning; then Cortes went over 
with that vessel and met Grijalva's vessel laden with supplies bought at San 

41 Eighteen leagues from San Miguel according to Ilerrera, dec. v. lib. 
viii. cap. ix. Respecting this port and island of Guayabal, see chap ii. note 18 
of this vol. 


self; but at last he succeeded in reaching the coast, 
and after being driven southward some distance, re- 
turned and anchored at Santa Cruz, where some of 
the colonists had died of hunger, and others now died 
of over-eating. 42 Grijalva also succeeded in touching 
the new coast far south of Santa Cruz, but was forced 
to cut his cables and was driven to Matanchel. Cor- 
tes waited in vain for his companion, and realizing 
that with only one vessel the colony must surely 
perish, decided to return to New Spain to fit out a 
new fleet and send relief. Another motive for this 
resolve was the news that Mendoza had arrived as 
viceroy. This information, with an earnest request 
from the wife of Cortes for his return, was brought 
up by a vessel said to have been under Francisco de 
Ulloa. The latter was left in command of the colony 
of thirty Spaniards, with twelve horses and supplies 
for ten months; Cortes rejoined Grijalva at Matan- 
chel; and both returned in the Santa Agueda and 
Santo Tomds to Acapulco. 43 

Of events that immediately followed the return of 
the captain-general we know but little; of the colo- 
nists' experiences at Santa Cruz, absolutely nothing; 
but in accordance with Viceroy Mendoza's advice or 
orders, with his wife's entreaties, and not improbably 

42 Bernal Diaz says that 23 died of hunger and half the remainder of over- 

^Memorial of Cortds to the emperor in 1539, in Id.,Escritos, 292-3, 301-2; 
Navarreie, Col. Viajes, iv. 203-4. Respecting this returning fleet there is 
much confusion in the authorities. Navarrcte does not mention any vessel 
sent after Cortes, and thus implies that the colony remained without vessels, 
and that only the two mentioned returned to Acapulco. But all others state 
that the vessel was sent, and Bernal Diaz tells us that Ulloa was in command. 
Cortes himself, Pvoccho del Marques, 317, says three vessels were sent to him. 
Most of the authorities also state that two other vessels were despatched by 
Mendoza which met Cort6s returning fleet and returned with it. Gomara, 
Conq. Mex., 290, says Cortes returned with six vessels, having been joined at 
Santiago by the two sent out by his wife. According to Herrcra, dec. v. lib. 
viii. cap. x., Cortes with two vessels met the Santo Tomds at sea; all three 
returned to Jalisco; set afloat the vessel already stranded there (the San 
L&zaro?)\ met two craft at Santiago; and returned to Acapulco with six. 
Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 120, says he returned with live vessels after having left 
others for Ulloa and the colony. Vcnegas, Not. CaL, i. 156-7, affirms that 
Grijalva's vessel, having returned, was one of those sent by the viceroy to 
bring back Cortes. 


with his own inclinations at the time, the result of 
the expedition having been a bitter disappointment, 
Cortes sent vessels to bring back the unfortunate colo- 
nists, perhaps at the end of 1536. Respecting the 
voyage of these vessels nothing whatever is known. 44 
It should be noted that there was as yet no suspicion 
that the newly found land was anything but an island, 
and that no other name than Santa Cruz had been 
applied to it. 

We have seen the vessels of Hurtado, Jimenez, and 
Cortes successively touching at different points on the 

44 Mendoza says most of the colonists died of hunger. Ternaux-Compans, 
Voy., s^rie i. torn. ix. 286-7. Lorenzana, Cortes, Hist., 324, and other writers 
date the return early in 1537; but most of them also place the beginning of 
the voyage in 1530 instead of 1535. Cortes, Escritos, 292-3, 301-2; Navar- 
rete, Col. Doc, iv. 203-4, says he intended to return with aid; but the rela- 
tives of some of the colonists complained to the viceroy, who ordered him to 
bring them back, and he obej^ed. The king in 1541, Proceso del Marques, 
398-9, has been told that Mendoza took all the accounts and maps of the voy- 
age, and refused to give Cortes a license to send succor to the officer left in 
command of the colony. Guzman's version, Id. , 347-8, is that he welcomed 
Cortes in New Galicia, though he maltreated Indians on the way, kept him 
in his own house four days, supplied the army all they needed, and helped 
them on to Espiritu Santo (Chametla), whence Cortes sent a vessel to Matan- 
chel for maize. Having sent his men across by Guzman's aid, Cortes found 
nothing to live on, and his men were on the point of starvation until succored 
again by Guzman. By abandoning the country Cortes had given up all claim 
if he ever had any. Moreover at the end of 1535, Pacheeo and Cardenas, Col. 
Doc., xvi. 1-37, Guzman had four or five witnesses examined under oath, all 
of whom testified to the poverty of the country discovered; to the fact that 
many perished of hunger, and more would have died but for succor; that 
Cortes treated his men badly, taking away their clothing, etc. ; that Tapia 
and Corttis had taken away Indians against their will; that the Indians of 
Santa Cruz were very low beings, eating their own excrement, cohabiting in 
public, and approaching their women from behind like beasts; and that the 
country had no .gold. This evidence was submitted in 1541 to the courts in 

The following are miscellaneous references for brief and more or less super- 
ficial accounts of Cortes' expeditions to California under Hurtado, Becerra, 
and Cortes, most of them being additional to those given in the preceding 
pages: March y Lahore*, Marina Espaiiola, ii. 194-200; Gal ratio, in Voy. 
Select., 39-41; Gleeson's J list. Cafh. Ch., i. 35-7; Salazar y Olarte, Hist. Conq. 
Mex., 441-50; Cavo, Tres Siqlos, i. 109-21; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 309; 
Kohl's Hist. Dlscov., i. 200-12'; DalrympUs Wist. Col, Toy., i. 35-0; Dome- 
nech's Deserts, i. 224-5; Ccdle, Not Mem. Sac, 108; fa/., Hist. Ghn't., ii. 15- 
10; Plhas, Hist. Triumphos, 441-2; Robertson'' a Hist. Araer., ii. 144; Rusch- 
euberqer's Voi/., ii. 422-3; Greenliow's Or. and Cat., 52-4; Gnenhorv's Mem., 
25; Forbes' Cat., 7-9; Paijno, in Soc. Mex. Geo{/., Bol., 2da ep. ii. 199-209; 
La88cpas, B. Cat., 105; Doc Hist. Mex., serie iv. pt. v. 7-S; Hist. Mag., vi. 
312-14; Lad, Non-s Orbls, 292 -3; Camarr/o, in Nouv. An. Voy., xeix. 184; 
Walpole's Four Years, ii. 210-11; Tulhllts Hist. Cat., S-9; Murray's Hist. 


northern coast between 1532 and 1536. Respecting 
events of the same period on the main at and about 
San Miguel, where Diego de Proano had been left 
at the end of 1531 with one hundred vecinos, the 
records are not only confused but meagre. Many 
writers dispose of the period by stating that Nuno de 
Guzman on departing from Culiacan for Jalisco left an 
army in the north, which he divided into three divi- 
sions under captains Chirinos, Ohate, and Jose de 
Angulo, with orders to explore the country northward 
and eastward; that Angulo and Onate crossed the 
sierra toward the east and north-east by different 
routes not definitely known, reaching the plains of 
Guadiana, or Durango, but finding only savage tribes 
and accomplishing nothing in the way of conquest or 
settlement; and that Chirinos with his force pene- 
trated up the coast to the Yaqui River. 45 Several 
of the number add erroneously that Chirinos or his 
officers during this expedition met Cabeza de Vaca, 
of whom more hereafter. 

Of the expeditions of Onate and Angulo nothing 
is known beyond the preceding vague references, but 
it is more than probable that one or both of them 

Acct. N. Amer., ii. 66-7; Dufey, Resume', i. 5, 213; Kennedy's Texas, i. 209; 
Tut lev's Hist. Discov., G9-70; Findlay's Directory, i. 292-3; Hatchings' Mag., 
i. Ill; iii. 399-400; v. 264-5; Farnham's Life CaL, 119-24; Fedix, I'Ortgon, 
54; Frignet, La CaL, 6; Saint Amant, Voy., 392-3; Cortes, Brieven, ii.; Cortes, 
Aventtiras, 300; II awl, Mex. Gnat., 177; Holmes' Annals Amer., i. 59, 6S; 
Larenaudiere, Mex. Gnat., 139; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 90; Monglave, JRcsumt, 
139-40; Marehand, Voy., i. iii.— iv. 

45 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 76, 82; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 111-14; Bam- 
irez, Proceso, 211-12; Navctrrete, Hist. Jal., 57; Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geo;/., \ iii. 
479-80; Payno, in Id., 2da Ep., ii. 137-8; Esciulero, Not. Bur., S; ///., Not. 
Son., 26-7; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 488 et seq. Beaumont and Tello, 
Hist. N. Gal., 256, give fuller accounts of Angulo's trip, but add nothing to 
the above save that he had 50 Spaniards and 400 Indians, and had orders to 
cross over to Tampico, but was prevented by cold and want of food. Tello 
says that Onate 'followed the rivers and coasts to the port of Bato and Ostial,' 
rested at Culiacan, and in a few days continued his march to Las Vegas and 
Vizcaino, and thence to the sierra of Capirato. According to Mota-Padilla 
and Navarrete Onate went to Aldato, Hostial, and Capirato. Esciulero tells 
us that Angulo went to the coast of the gulf of California; while according to 
Gil, lie went through central Sinaloa to the region of Alamos. It is quite 
evident that none of these writers have the slightest idea of what they are 
talking about. Beaumont, however, implies that the expeditions took place 
after the foundation of the Jalisco towns. 


should be included in the miscellaneous explorations 
already mentioned as having been undertaken by Guz- 
man's orders before he left Culiacan in the autumn of 
1531/ 6 The northern trip to the Yaqui is better 
recorded. It was accomplished, however, not imme- 
diately after the governor's departure by forces which 
he left at San Miguel, but in 1533 and probably by a 
force sent north from Jalisco. It was not commanded 
by Chirinos, who probably never visited northern 
Sinaloa, having left Guzman on the way in 1530 and 
returned to Mexico, but was under the command of 
Diego de Guzman; neither was it connected in any 
way with the arrival of Cabeza de Vaca, an event 
of much later date. We have no definite record of 
the sending of troops from Jalisco; 47 but of the north- 
ern campaign we have two original accounts, one 
written by the commander Diego de Guzman, and the 
other by one of his officers whose name is not known. 48 
It will be remembered that while Nuiio de Guzman 
was at Culiacan in 1531, Alcalde Samaniego had been 
sent northward by the coast route and had reached 
and named the river of Petatlan. It also appears 
that after Guzman's departure Alcalde Proaflo sent 
out one of the vecinos of San Miguel who reached 
the small river next north of the Culiacan, now known 

46 See chap. ii. of this vol. Tello's statement that Guzman accompanied 
Ofiate's division in person confirms this supposition. 

47 Unless it be the statement of the author of the 1™ Eel. An6n., 295, 'y a 
mi mandome que fuese a la villa de San Miguel, que habia dejado en Culiacan 
dcspues que el Crist6bal de Barrios oviese poblado, que dende alii me diese 
gente que me acompanase hasta la villa. ' 

48 The first is the Relation de lo que yo Diego de Guzman he descubierto en 
la costa del Mar del Sur por S. M. y por el Ill mo Sr Nuuo de Guzman, in Florida, 
Col. Doc., 94-103, and in Pacheco, Col. Doc., xv. 325-38. The second is the 
Guzman, 2 da Rel. Jndn. The first is an official diary giving all details of 
dates, distances, pueblos, and minor events, written during the trip and sent 
to the authorities; while the other is a more general account, omitting most 
details, naming only the principal rivers, and paying more attention to the 
general features of the country and the customs of the natives, apparently 
written from memory some time after the occurrence of the events described. 
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. xlv., thinks the anonymous narrative refers to the 
expedition of Ccbreros and Alcaraz, and deems it remarkable that no mention 
is made of Cabeza de Vaca; but there is no possible doubt that the narrative 
relates to a much earlier expedition. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. vii.-viii. , gives 
an account evidently taken from the anonymous relation, under the date of 


as the Mocorito, and gave it his own name Sebastian 
cle Evora. The present expedition under Diego de 
Guzman left Culiacan Valley early in July 1533, 49 by 
the same route that Samaniego had followed, and a 
week later arrived on the banks of the Rio Petatlan, 
the Sinaloa of modern maps. Exploring this river 
five leagues toward the sea the Spaniards obtained a 
quantity of maize, and heard of a town called Tamot- 
chala on a river toward the north. Francisco Velas- 
quez with twenty men was sent in advance and took 
the town by assault, the inhabitants for the most part 
jumping into the river and escaping. The rest of the 
army coming up, remained here eight days and ex- 
plored the river down to a village called Ore my. 
This stream of Tamotchala, named by Guzman at 
this time Santiago, was the Rio del Fuerte, the later 
boundary between Sinaloa and Sonora. 50 Finding 
but a small store of supplies, though the banks were 
well dotted with ])etate huts, the army marched up 
the river nearly to the sierra, and early in August 
arrived in the province of Sinaloa, which has given its 
name to the modern state. Here the dwellings were 
better, and large fields of maize, in the milk at the 
time, gave promise of plentiful supplies. The natives 
at first ran away in fright, but presently returned with 
green reeds in their hands which they placed on the 
ground in token of friendship and submission; yet 
they were suspected of treacherous intent and closely 
watched.'' 1 

The 17th of September crossing the river in balsas 

49 The diary has it Aug. 4th, obviously an error of copyist or printer. It 
may have been July 4th. 

60 July 28th, formal possession taken of the Rio Santiago 151. from the 
Petatlan. Proccxo del Marqu4s, 322. Guzman makes the distance from the 
Petatlan 12 1.; the anonymous narrative 20 1. This river has also been 
called Zuaque, Ahomc, and even Sinaloa. The name Tamotchala, or Tama- 
zula, has also been applied to rivers to the south, thus causing some confusion 
in historical narratives, but there is no doubt that the Tamotchala, or Santi- 
ago, of the first explorers was the Fuerte. 

51 The anonymous writer speaks of leaving the main force and marching up 
the river with a small party. This in connection with Guzman's statement 
that he sent such a party confirms the fact that the former writer was one of 
Guzman's chief oiiicers. 


and guided by a Sinaloa native, the Spaniards resumed 
their march, and having passed three days later the 
town of Teocomo on a small stream, arrived on the 
24th at the Rio Mayo, where they found plenty of 
dry maize and salt, and spent five days killing their, 
hogs which had been driven up to this point. They' 
named the river San Miguel, 52 and went on in search 
of a town of Nevame, possibly the origin of the tribal 
name Nevome, on a larger river; crossed the river 
the 4th of October, and halted at the town of Yaquimi 
on its northern bank, where they remained seventeen 
days, but were unable to overcome the fears of the 
natives, who had fled at their approach. This river, 
the largest they had crossed, the present Yaqui, was 
christened San Francisco. 53 The anonymous narra- 
tive of these events, followed by Herrera and others, 
describes an encounter with the natives at this town, 
only vaguely alluded to by Guzman. The Yaquis 
appeared in large numbers, and forbade the Spaniards 
to pass a line indicated on the ground. Guzman ex- 
plained his peaceful intentions and asked for food. 
The Indians offered to bring food if the Spaniards 
would first allow themselves and their horses to be 
tied. Guzman did not accede to this modest request, 
but ordered his men to charge with the battle-cry of 
Santiago, and the Yaquis were routed after a desper- 
ate struggle, in which two Spaniards and twelve 
horses were wounded. 

In the last days of October the river was explored 
up to Nevame, ten or twelve leagues above Yaquimi, 
and the author of the anonymous account also went 

52 Guzman calls the river Mayomo. Both accounts make the distance from 
the Tamqtchala 30 leagues. The stream crossed before reaching the Mayo is 
the Rio Alamos of modern maps. The llel. Anon, does not mention it or the 
pueblo. Possession was taken, Sept. 29th, of the San Miguel, 40 leagues from 
the Santiago. Proceso del Marquis, 823. 

53 Guzman makes the distance between the Mayo and Yaqui 18 leagues. 
It is evident that the distances given are of little importance, since we have 
no means of knowing how far inland or in what direction the route lay be- 
tween the streams. The Pel. Anon, says the Yaqui was reached on the day 
of Nuestra Scnora, or Sept. 8th. Formal possession of the Yaquimi, or San 
Francisco on Oct. 4th. Proceso del Marque* , 325. 


down to the sea, but found no prospect of a pass 
northward by the coast. 54 It was now decided to 
return, and they started the 2d of November. Eight 
or ten clays were spent in exploring the Rio Mayo, 
and six days on the Rio Teocomo, or Alamos. Here 
they noticed a piece of blue cloth and a string of nails 
evidently of European manufacture, and learned of 
Hurtado's arrival and murder at a town of Orumeme, 
to the south. 55 From the 1st to the 13th of Decem- 
ber they were on the Rio Tamotchala, reached Oru- 
meme near the sea, found more relics, and learned the 
details of Hurtado's fate. Passing the Rio Petatlan, 
on Christmas they were at the Rio de Sebastian de 
Evora, and arrived at Culiacan on the 30th, as Guz- 
man states, or according to the other account, on 
Christmas eve. 56 

Rack at San Miguel from the north Guzman's party 
found the natives in revolt, and the Christians in great 
fear and want. The author of the anonymous narra- 
tive proceeded southward with a small escort to report 
to the governor and seek aid. He found the settle- 
ment at Chametla in much the same condition as San 
Miguel, the Indians having revolted and killed Captain 
Diego de la Cueva and other Spaniards. Rut little 
more is recorded about the northern settlements during: 
this period. The colonists at San Miguel, instead of 
cultivating the soil at first, lived on the supplies left 

51 He noted the western projection of the coast in what is now the Guay- 
mas region, and after returning to Mexico and learning of the discovery of a 
western land by Jimenez, concluded that the new land was not an island but 
a south-western projection of the mainland, the mouth of the Yaqui being the 
head of the gulf thus formed. Thus early was the theory advanced that Cali- 
fornia was a peninsula. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 497, also vaguely notices 
the idea; which seems, however, not to have found a place on any early map. 

53 The Bel. An6n. says the relics were noticed on the march northward, 
but that definite information of Hurtado's fate was obtained from an Indian 
woman on the return. 

56 Herrera, as I have said, dec. v. lib. i. cap. vii.-viii., follows the anony- 
mous narrative almost verbatim. Tello, Hist. N. Gal. , 3oG-9, Mota-Padilla, 
Conq. JV. Gal., 79-82, Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 490-7, Escudero, Not. 
Son., 2G-7, and others, give substantially the same version, drawn evidently 
from the same sources, but makes Chirinos the commander with Cebreros and 
Alcaraz as subordinate officers, thus confounding this expedition with events 
that occurred over two years later. Tello also speaks of a battle on the Rio 
Sebastian de Evora. 


by the governor, and on others bought of the natives 
in exchange for trinkets. Peace lasted until the arti- 
cles of trade were exhausted, and the Christians began 
to live by plundering the natives, and by seizing them 
as slaves whenever oppression provoked resistance. 
The natives then gradually ceased to cultivate the 
land, burned their remaining towns, and fled from 
their persecutors to lead a wild life in the mountains. 
In a vain effort to regain lost favor at court Nuno de 
Guzman, regardless of his own past policy and instruc- 
tions, caused Captain Proaiio to be arrested and 
brought to Compostela for trial, on charge of making 
slaves in violation of law. Proano was sentenced to 
death, but was saved before the audiencia at the inter- 
cession of the Onates; and, according to Beaumont 
and Ramirez, Cristobal de Tapia was sent as alcalde 
mayor to San Miguel. 

The policy of kindness introduced by Tapia, as 
we are told, so disgusted the Spanish vecinos, by de- 
priving them of the profit of the slave-trade, and 
forcing them to cultivate their own fields, or hire it 
done, that many left a country which had lost all its 
charm for them. When Tapia assumed the position 
or how long he held it we have no record; but in 
1536-7 Melchor Diaz was alcalde mayor. 57 It does 
not appear, however, that the Indian policy in this 
region was radically changed for the better before 
1536; for it was a party of Spanish raiders from San 
Miguel in search of plunder and slaves in the Petatlan 
country, who met Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, 
of whose strange wanderings across the continent I 
have now to speak. 

57 Dec. 10, 1537, Viceroy Mendoza writes to the emperor that Diaz had 
come to Mexico, at a date not mentioned, to complain on behalf of the settlers 
that they had no means of living now that they were not allowed to make 
slaves. Mendoza regarded it as of great importance that the villa be not 
abandoned, and had sent the settlers necessary articles to the value of 1,000 
pesos, until the emperor should decide on some means of permanent relief. 
Florida, f'ol. Doc, i. 129-30. See also on the matters mentioned in the text, 
Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 497; iv. 71-4; Ramirez, Proceso. 225-6; Guzman, 
lraJid.Anon., 293-4; Id.,2^Vai. .4/^. ,303-5; Mota-Padilla, Conq. iV. GaL, 
,87; Rebus, llist. Triumjmos, 23-4. 


Panfilo de Narvaez with a commission as governor 
to conquer and rule the province of Las Palmas 
north of Panuco on the gulf coast, sailed from Spain 
in June 1527 with a fleet of five ships and a force of 
six hundred men. After a somewhat disastrous ex- 
perience of storms and desertions at Espanola and 
Cuba, the fleet was driven by a storm to the western 
coast of Florida and anchored with four hundred men 
and eighty horses at Tampa Bay in April 1528. Alvar 
Nunez Cabeza de Vaca was treasurer and alcalde 
mayor of the expedition, and of Narvaez' prospective 
government of Las Palmas. Against the remon- 
strance of Nunez, the governor determined to march 
inland while the vessels should follow the coast, with 
which a pilot, Miruelo, professed to be somewhat 
familiar. The separation was on May 1st; the re- 
uniting of the sea and land forces was never effected. 
The fleet, losing one vessel and being joined by an- 
other from Cuba, seems to have spent about a year 
on the coast, and, hearing nothing of the army, to 
have returned to the islands. 

Narvaez with his three hundred men and forty 
horses followed the general direction of the coast, but 
at a considerable distance inland, suffering many hard- 
ships from the natural difficulties of such a march, 
from want of food, and from occasional though not 
serious Indian hostilities. In August they again 
drew near the sea and abandoned the idea of further 
progress by land. At a bay called by them Bahia de 
los Caballos, probably not far from the mouth of the 
Apalachicola River, having made tools from their 
stirrups and other articles of iron, the Spaniards built 
five boats. Here ten men were killed by the natives 
and forty died from sickness; the horses were killed 
for food and for their skins to be used in providing 
the boats with water. At last, in September, two 
hundred and forty-two men besides the officers, all 
ignorant of navigation, embarked in their frail craft 
to coast the gulf of Panuco. They continued the voy- 


age about six weeks, tossed by storms, suffering ter- 
ribly from thirst, hunger, and exposure, landing 
occasionally, and attacked several times by savages, 
until early in November the boat commanded by 
Cabeza de Vaca and one of the others were stranded 
on an island near the main, and the surviving navi- 
gators, naked and more dead than alive, were thrown 
into the hands of the natives, who were in a condition 
hardly less deplorable than their own. 

Four of the strongest survivors were despatched 
with instructions to press on, and if possible to reach 
Panuco, supposed to be not far distant. Famine 
and pestilence soon reduced the Spaniards from eighty 
to fifteen, also carrying off one half of the Indians. 
The survivors became slaves and were gradually scat- 
tered. Alvar Nunez remained over a year on the 
island, very harshly treated, and employed chiefly in 
digging from under the water a root used as food. 
He afterwards bettered his condition by becoming a 
trader on the main, traversing the country for many 
leagues, and exchanging shells and various articles of 
coast merchandise for skins and other island products. 
He remained in the service of the Indians, naked like 
his masters, for nearly six years, naming the island 
Malhado from his misfortunes there. At the end of 
that time, in company with the only survivor there, 
named Oviedo, he escaped from his masters, and went 
down the coast to a bay which he supposed to be 
the Espiritu Santo discovered in 1519, crossing four 
large rivers on the way. Oviedo returned to Malhado, 
but Cabeza de Vaca became a slave in another tribe, 
and soon met Andres Dorantes, Alonso del Castillo 
Maldonado, and Estevanico, an Arabian negro slave. 
All these were of the party wrecked on Malhado 
Island, but in their subsequent wanderings they had 
gone far down the coast, meeting survivors from the 
other boats, and learning the fate of Narvaez and his 
companions. These had also been wrecked and had 
perished one by one with very few exceptions. Of the 


four sent to Pdnuco, one had gone southward, two had 
died, and one was still with the Indians. Of nearly 
three hundred who had started from Florida, besides 
the four now reunited, there remained only five not 
known to have perished, and not one of the five was 
ever heard of afterward. The four crossed the con- 
tinent and reached San Miguel in New Galicia April 
1, 1536. 

The wanderings of Alvar Nunez and his party, 
being the first exploration by Europeans of a large 
tract of the territory which constitutes my subject, 
it would be desirable to trace accurately and in detail ; 
but unfortunately the data extant are wholly insuffi- 
cient for the purpose. The two narratives, 58 although 

58 One was by Alvar Nunez after his return to Spain in 1537. It was first 
published at Zamora in 1542, as the Relation que did Alvar Nunez, etc. ; re- 
published, with additional matter not relating to this part of the author's 
career, as Relation y Comentarios in 1550; and again in Barcia, Historiadores 
Primitivos in 1736, under the title of Navfragios de Alvar Nunez, followed 
by the Comentarios, and also by an Examen Apologetico de la Histdrica Nar- 
ration, etc. , by Dr Antonio Ardoino. The Examen was a refutation of Hon- 
orius Philoponus, or Caspar Plautus, who in his Nova Typis Transacta 
severely criticised Cabeza de Vaca's accounts of miracles. An Italian trans- 
lation appeared in Ramusio, Navlg., iii. 310-30; a French translation in 
Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s6rie i. torn. vii. ; and an English translation by 
Buckingham Smith in 1851. In 1871 a new edition of this translation ap- 
peared with copious notes, not quite completed, however, by reason of the 
translator's sudden death. This is the most convenient edition for use, and 
is the one I shall refer to as Cabeza de Vaca's Relation. 

The other narrative was a report made by the wanderers to the audiencia 
in Mexico in 1536. This document is not known to be extant in its original 
form; but from it Oviedo, Hist. Ind., iii. 582-618, made up his account. Mr 
Smith claims to have noted in his translation all the differences between the 
two narratives; but either because he did not live to complete the annotation 
or from some other cause, the work is imperfectly done, not one in ten of the 
discrepancies being noticed. Other writers have apparently consulted only 
the first mentioned narrative, and have added nothing to our knowledge of 
the expedition. Mr Davis, however, in his Span. Co»q. of N. Mex., 20-108, 
has given many careful notes and suggestions. The following works mention 
the journey of Cabeza de Vaca, more or less fully: Ribas, Hist. Trlumplios, 
24-6; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 73-8, 143-4; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 
326; ii. 79; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 52-5; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. v.-vi. ; 
dec. vi. lib. i. cap. iii.— vii. ; lib. ix. cap. xi.; Mota-Padllla, Cortq. N. Gal., 
80-1; Tello, Hist. N. Gal, 358-9; Villagrd, Hist. N. Mex., 13-14; Clavigero, 
Storia della Cal., 152-3; Datos Biog., 812-14; Acosta, Be Natura Nov. Orb. 
(Sulmanticoe, 1589), 241; Hist. Mag., new series, 141-3, 204-9, 347-57; Al- 
bieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 28-38; Larenauditre, Mex. Gnat., 145,227; Zamacois, 
Hist. Mej., iv. 603-6; Voiages au Nord, iii. 257-67; Overland Monthly, x. 
514-18; Venegns, Not. Cal., i. 162-3; Alcedo, Bice., iii. 183-4; Salazar y 
Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., 373-8; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 316-17; Purchas, 
His Pilgrimes, iv. 1499-1528; Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. ,324; Calle, Not. Sac, 


doubtless presented in good faith, were written from 
memory under circumstances extremely unfavorable, 
and while agreeing in a general way respecting the 
adventures of the wanderers, they differ widely as 
might be expected in dates, directions, distances, and 
all that could aid in tracing the route. Moreover, 
the statements of each narrative in these respects, 
even if unembarrassed by those of the other, are frag- 
mentary, disconnected, contradictory, and often unin- 
telligible. Such being the case, a full discussion would 
require a reproduction of both narratives in full, with 
a large amount of comment — in fact a monograph on 
the subject, which of course would be altogether out 
of place here. I shall therefore confine my comments 
to remarks of a general nature. 

Malhado Island was certainly on the western or 
northern gulf coast and west of the Mississippi River, 
because the Spaniards had not crossed that river 
before embarking in their boats, and in their subse- 
quent wanderings by land there are no indications that 
they crossed so large a stream. 59 The opinion of the 
wanderers themselves that the bay was Espiritu Santo 
is not of much weight; but some great sand-hills are 
mentioned by Oviedo as a prominent landmark, and 
the Sand Mounds at the bay called later Espiritu 
Santo, the highest peak of which is seventy-five 
feet above the bay, are also rioted by the United 
States coast survey as " forming a marked feature in 
that otherwise level prairie region." 60 Of all the defi- 

102; Escudero, Not. Son., 26-7; March y Labores, Marina Espnn., ii. 175-87; 
Pino, N. Mex., 5; Dice. Univ., ii. 7-8; Lafond, Voy., i. 199-200; Larenau- 
didre, Mex. Guat., 145; Galvano, in Voy. Select., 35; Laet, Novvs Orbis, 97; 
Davis' El Gringo, 59-60; Harris' Navig., i. 799-805; Gleeson's Hid. Cath. Ch., 
i. 45-64; Browne's L. Gal., 16; DomenecKs Deserts, i. 168-9; Gallatin, inNouv. 
An. Voy., exxxi. 244-5; Robinson's Acct. Discov., 342-5; Ind. Aff. Kept., 1871, 
380-1; Barreiro, Ojeada, 5; Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., viii. 480-1; TuthiWs 
Hist. CaL, 9-10; Navarrete, Hist. Jed., 59-60; Simpson, in Smithsonian licpt., 
1869, 310. 

59 In his first edition Mr Smith seems to have believed Cabeza de Vaca's 
Bay of Espiritu Santo identical with Mobile Bay; but later he changed that 
opinion. I can find in the narratives not the slightest foundation for the route 
northward from Mobile Bay to the Mussel Shoals of the Tennessee River, and 
thence westward to the junction of the Arkansas and Canadian. 

60 Oviedo, iii. 593; U. S. Coast Survey, Report, 1859, 325. There seems to 


nite locations on the eastern coast of Texas, and I have 
no doubt that Cabeza de Vaca started from that coast, 
Espiritu Santo Bay, or San Antonio, has the best 
claim to be considered the initial point of this journey. 
The journey was begun in the summer of 1535, appar- 
ently, 01 when the captives took advantage of their 
masters' annual visit to the interior in search of prickly 
pears for food, to effect their escape. 

They seem to have passed north-westward through 
Texas, following perhaps the general course of the 
rivers; but of time, distance, or direction nothing defi- 
nite is stated until after having forded on the way a 
breast-deep river as wide as that at Seville, they 
approached the base of a mountain range; probably, as 
Mr Smith believed, the San Saba mountains of Texas. 
Here the Indians wished them to go down toward 
the sea, but they insisted on going up a river for a 
day or two and then followed the base of the mountains 
northward from fifty to eighty leagues. 62 Thence 
turning westward they crossed the mountains to a 
village on a fine river, where they received among 

be no other point on this coast similarly marked; neither is there, as Mr 
Smith thinks, Relation, 89, any island corresponding to Malhado north of 
Espiritu Santo Bay with four large intervening rivers; yet why may not the 
Galveston Island be supposed to answer the condition more or less satisfac- 
torily? — as Bancroft, Hist. U. S., i. 400-2, indeed thinks probable. 

C1 Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, 195, says on his arrival at San Miguel in April 
153G, that he had travelled unceasingly 10 months; that is since June 1535; 
but he also says, p. 8G, that he was nearly six years about Malhado Island; 
that is, taking Ovicdo's statement, iii. 592, of five and one half years for nearly six 
years, from November 1528 to May 1534; then waited six months for the tuna 
season, to November 1534; and then the departure was postponed again for 
one year, or to November 1535. Again he says, p. Ill, they started Sept. 
13th, or 13 days after the new moon which came on Sept. 1st, and it is true 
that in 1535 the new moon fell within a day or two of Sept. 1st. Oviedo, iii. 
C02, says that they met to escape in October of the seventh year, probably 
meaning 1534, and then postponed their flight until August of the next year, 
or 1535. Cabeza de Vaca, p. 122, also speaks of spending eight months with 
one tribe soon after starting, a period reduced by Oviedo, iii. G03, to eight 
days. The above may serve as a sample of the confusion that appears through- 
out the narratives. 

62 Cabeza do Vaca, Rrlcdlon, 145-9, says the range seemed to come from the 
North Sea, and that they followed the mountains inland for over 50 leagues. 
Smith thinks this part of the journey was westward. Oviedo, iii. G05-0, 
says the range extended directly north, and was followed 'dereclio al norte' 
80 leagues more or less. Both narratives mention a copper hawk-bell pre- 
sented by the Indians at the end of this stage of the march, and Oviedo gives 
the total distance travelled up to this point as 150 leagues. 


other things " cowhide blankets;" that is they were not 
far from the borders of the buffalo country. At this 
point Cabeza de Vaca breaks off what little continuity 
the narrative has given to the route, by the remark 
that they passed through so many peoples that "the 
memory fails to recall them;" then they crossed a great 
river coming from the north, thirty leagues of plain 
and fifty leagues of mountains, forded a "very large" 
river, and arrived at plains lying at the foot of moun- 
tains. Oviedo disposes of this part of the journey by 
saying that they went forward "many days." The 
two great rivers would seem to be the Pecos and Rio 
del Norte; but they were guided by the Indian women 
to where a river — possibly 'the' river — ran between 
ridges, and where they found the first "fixed dwell- 
ings of civilization." The inhabitants lived on beans, 
pumpkins, and maize, and were called the Cow Nation 
from the immense number of buffalo killed farther up 
the river. They were probably still on the Rio del 
Norte, since no lame river is mentioned as having 
been crossed to the west; and they were below Paso 
del Norte, as there is no evidence that they visited 
what have since been known as the Pueblo towns. 63 

From this point, after much argument with the 
natives respecting the route to be taken, they went 
up a river for seventeen days, apparently westward, 
then crossed the river and travelled another seventeen 
days, also west, to some plains lying between high 
mountains. 64 Soon after they came to a land of maize, 

6a TIiat the 'fixed dwellings of civilization' were not the many-storied 
Pueblo houses is clear from the fact that if so they would surely have been 
mentioned as they were later when reported in the north, and also from the 
fact that new dwellings of the style used here were built for the accommoda- 
tion of the visitors. Davis, Span. Gonq. V. Mex., 07-8, thinks they were on 
the Pecos to which they had crossed over from the Canadian or Red river. I 
find nothing to show that they went near the Canadian or Red river, and as 
to the buffalo killed up the river, perhaps no more is meant than that such 
was the general direction of the buffalo country. 

Ci Respecting the river thus followed for 17 days there is much difficulty. 
According to Cabeza do Vaca, Relation, 1G0-6, the Indians said that the 
maize country was toward the west, but that the best way to get there was 
by going up the river northward; otherwise, that is by going directly west, 
no food would be found for 17 days. They also said that up the river (another 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 5 


beans, pumpkins, and cotton, and of permanent habi- 
tations. Some small houses were of adobe, but most 
were of petates, or cane mats. Here they heard of 
populous towns with very large houses in the north, 
clearly the Pueblo towns, and were given some tur- 
quoises and emeralds also said to have come from 
there, From town to town through this country 
they travelled for eighty or a hundred leagues as they 
estimated it, to a town which they named Corazones, 
because the inhabitants gave them deer's hearts for 
food. This Pueblo de Corazones was in north-eastern 
Sonora on the head-waters of the Yaqui or Sonora 
rivers. One day later, at least, they were on the 
Yaqui and heard of other Christians. 65 

From the foregoing it appears that Alvar Nunez 
and his companions, Castillo, 13orantes,and Estevanico, 
starting from the Texas coast in the region between 
Galveston and mouth of the Rio San Antonio, trav- 
ersed the present states of Texas and Chihuahua to 
north-eastern Sonora; that they did not probably at 
any time reach so high a latitude as the Canadian and 
Arkansas rivers ; CG that the mountains first met in 

river?) were their enemies who could give no food, and advised the Spaniards 
not to take that route. The Spaniards, however, were not willing to go up 
the river north to the buffalo country, because that would be a circuitous 
way; therefore, against the advice of the natives, they went up the river 
westward and found, as the Indians had predicted, no food for 17 days. 
This is all absurd except in the supposition that they were at or near the 
junction of two streams and went up the Conchos westward instead of the 
Rio del Norte north-westward. But Oviedo, iii. 609, implies on the other 
hand, that they went up the river northward for 15 days, and then turned 
west for twenty days to the land of maize. 

65 According to the Relation, 173, one day's journey beyond Corazones they 
were detained 15 days by the rising of the river. This swollen river was 
certainly the Yaqui, because it is spoken of later, p. 176, as 'the river to 
which Diego de Guzman came, when we first heard of Christians.' But 
Oviedo, iii. 611, tells us the swollen river was 30 leagues from the Corazones, 
implying perhaps that the latter was not on the Yaqui. Cabeza de Yaca 
speaks of Corazones as 'the entrance to many provinces on the South Sea.' 
Coronado was here a few years later, and nearly all the early writers speak 
of the town, several locating it in the valley of the Sonora. Yet it is also 
said, Ternaux-Compans, Jo//., suric i. torn. ix. p. 40, that Arrellano of 
Coronado's expedition founded a town of San Geronimo de los Corazones 
here, and later transferred it to the 'Valley of Senora.' Its exact location is 
unknown and not very important. 

68 By Castaneda, Relation, 120, 122, Coronado's expedition is said to have 
learned that Yaca and Dorantes passed through a pueblo on the plains far 



coming from the east were the San Saba range of 
western Texas; that the Rio Grande was crossed 
between Paso del Norte and the Presidio del Norte; 
that in passing through Chihuahua they either went 
up the Conchos 67 and thence north- westwardly, or up 
the Bio Grande 63 and thence westwardly to the head- 

"} T:^ —\. ..N.MEXICO 
O N'O R_A> 

Cabeza de Vaca's Route. 

waters of the Yaqui; that they did not visit the 
Pueblo towns of New Mexico or Arizona, although 
they heard of them; 69 and that there is nothing to 
indicate a journey down the Gila Valley. 

northeast of Santa Fe. This report is probably the only foundation for the 
opinion of Davis and Smith; but the latter seems to have changed his opinion, 
though his editor did not. But this testimony of Castafieda is completely 
overthrown by that of Jaramillo in his narrative of the same expedition, Re- 
lation in Florida, Col. Doc, 159; Ternaux, 37, that they met an old Indian 
who said he had seen four other Spaniards 'mas acia la Nueva Espafia,' that 
is farther south. 

G7 Cabeza de Vaca's relation favors this route, and Espejo in 1582 heard 
among the Jumanas, not far above the mouth of the Conchos, that the party 
had passed that way. Espejo, Relation, 107; Hakluyfs Voy., iii. 385. Davis' 
objection that the Conchos is not long enough for a journey of 34 days along 
its banks, is of little weight, since it is not implied in the narrative that the 
last 17 days' trip was on the river. Smith, Relation, 1G2, 169, favors a west- 
erly course from the Conchos junction. 

08 Oviedo's narrative would favor this route. 

C9 The editor of Smith's translation, 235, thinks the route from the Arkansas 
'marked by indications which leave little room for doubt 'and clearly implies 
that the wanderers passed through the Pueblo towns. Davis, Sjian. Conq. JV". 
Mex., 70, 90, seems to hold the same opinion, but cjualifies that opinion, and 
shows his doubts on the subject, by the remark that New Mexico then extended 
much farther south than now. 


Respecting the personal adventures of this first 
party of overland travellers in the north, there is not 
much to be said. Soon after leaving the coast of 
Texas they were called upon by the natives to heal 
their sick, and were so fortunate as to be very suc- 
cessful in their first cases. Their reputation as medi- 
cine-men of remarkable powers was thus firmly estab- 
lished. Their method of healing was by laying-on 
of hands and repeating the prayers of their church. 
The Spaniards believed as firmly as did the Indians 
that they were aided in their cures by supernatural 
interposition, and devout Catholics yet believe this. 70 
Whatever may have been the cause of their success, 
it satisfactorily accounts for the safety with which 
they made the trip. They were received with uni- 
form kindness by each new tribe, supplied always with 
the best the natives had, besieged at each town with 
petitions for a longer stay and exercise of their heal- 
ing powers, and finally escorted to the next people on 
the way, often by thousands of attendants. The nar- 
ratives are largely filled by descriptions of the man- 
ners and customs of the different tribes visited. 

On the Yaqui River the wanderers saw a buckle 
and horseshoe in the possession of a native, and on 
making inquiries heard that other Christians had vis- 
ited the country by sea, the reference being perhaps 
to Hurtado and Cortes. As they passed southward 
down the river they heard of other visits during 
which the strangers had pillaged the country, burned 
the pueblos, and carried away men, women, and chil- 
dren as slaves. Soon traces of Spanish invasion be- 
came frequent; reports were current that the invaders 
were even now in the province; the natives had left 
their fields and towns, were hiding in the mountains, 
and begged the new-comers to protect them, refusing 
to believe Nunez and his party to be in any way con- 

70 Gleeson, Hist. Oath. Ch., i. 45-G4, advocates this view. The criticism 
of Caspar Plautus in the Nova Typis Transacta, already referred to, was 
directed not so much against the probability of miracles as against the prob- 
ability that such miracles would be wrought for any but a priest. 


nectecl with the destroyers of their race. At last 
they met the Spanish raiders under Diego de Alcaraz 
on the Rio Petatlan, by whom of course they v T ere 
kindly received, and to whom they were at once most 
useful; for the soldiers had for some time been unable 
to find either Indians or food, and were much dis- 
couraged. Under promise of protection by their new- 
found friends, the natives agreed to return to their 
towns and again cultivate the soil. Alcaraz, however, 
if we may credit Cabeza de Vaca, when his immediate 
necessities had been relieved found the pledges given 
great obstacles to his plans, sent the wanderers south 
under Cebreros, and renewed his outrages on the na- 

The travellers were met at Culiacan by Melchor 
Diaz, the alcalde mayor, most hospitably entertained, 
and taken to San Miguel, where they arrived on the 
1st of April and remained until the middle of May. 
We have already seen in what condition the province 
was at this time. "The deserted land was without 
tillage and everywhere badly wasted; the Indians 
were fleeing and concealing themselves in the thickets, 
unwilling to occupy their towns." Alvar Nunez and 
Dorantes were urged by Diaz to give the unhappy 
province the benefit of their influence on the natives. 
Difficulties were encountered at first on account of 
the outrages of Alcaraz; but the faith of the Indians 
was strong in the wise men from the east; the captain 
"made a covenant with God not to invade or consent 
to invasion, nor to enslave any of that country and 
people to whom we had guaranteed safety ;" and Cabeza 
de Vaca had the pleasure of knowing, before his de- 
parture, that many of the natives had returned to 
their homes. The writer adds most positively that if 
the Indians have not since behaved properly, it is the 
Christians' fault. 

Sent southward under a strong escort, the party 
were well received by Governor Guzman at Compos- 
tela, and also by the viceroy and by the marques del 


Valle in Mexico, where they arrived July 25, 1536. 
After having prepared a report of their travels, and 
according to Beaumont a map of the countries visited, 
for the viceroy and audiencia, the company separated. 
The negro Estevanico became the slave of Mendoza. 
Alonso del Castillo Maldonado seems to have remained 
in Mexico, but is not again heard of in connection 
with northern history. Andres Dorantes started for 
Spain, but returned and entered Mendoza's service 
for projected northern explorations, which never were 
carried out, while Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca arrived 
in Lisbon in August 1537. The latter was ao;ain sent 
to the New World in 1540 as governor and captain- 
general to rule over the fierce tribes of the Rio de la 
Plata in South America. His experience in this new 
field was but a series of contentions with rivals and 
enemies, who charge him with deeds of cruelty and 
injustice wholly inconsistent with the idea of the man's 
character which is formed by reading his relation. 
He returned to Spain in 1545 as a prisoner, and in 
1551 was condemned by the council of the Indies to loss 
of all his titles and banishment to Africa. Whether 
or not the sentence was executed is not known. There 
is some evidence that he was afterward pardoned. 71 

71 Many notes might be added on the discrepancies between different 
writers, but this would amount simply to a list of errors by such writers in 
taking their information from the original narratives. The prevalent state- 
ment that Chirinos was in command of the party that met Cabeza de Vaca 
has already been noticed. Another error frequently met is the division of 
the name Alonso del Castillo Maldonado. making Maldonado a fifth member 
of the party; this is done by Mota-Padilla, Tello, Beaumont, Clavigero, 
Gomara, and by many later writers. It is stated, and perhaps correctly, by 
Alegre, Bibas, Tello, and Beaumont, that some SCO of the friendly natives 
who served Alvar Nunez as escort, changed their homes and settled perma- 
nently on the Bio Petatlan. If so they came merely from a little farther 
north in Sonora and not from Florida, Texas, New Mexico, or even Chihuahua., 
as some writers imply. 



Governors Torre and Coronado in New Galicia — Mendoza a Rival 
of Cortes — Expedition of Marcos de Niza — Discovery of Cibola — 
Fact and Fiction — Cortes Again in the Field — Rival Claims — 
Voyage of Francisco de Ulloa — California— Castillo's Map — 
Expedition of Francisco Vazquez de Coronado — Through Sonora — 
To Zuni, Moqui, Colorado Canon, New Mexico, and Quivira — 
Failure and Return — Settlement in Sonora — San Geronimo de 


Death — Indian Hostilities — San Geronimo Abandoned — Voyage of 
Hernando de Alarcon to Head of the Gulf — Up the Buena Guia 
in Boats — Cortes Gives Up the Struggle — Pedro de Alvarado on 
the Coast— Mixton War — New Galicia to End of the Century. 

Diego Perez de la Torre, appointed governor of 
Nueva Galicia in 1536, arrived the year following at 
Compostela, where Cristobal de Ohate had been act- 
ing as governor for a short time since Guzman's de- 
parture. Torre's Indian policy was radically different 
from that of Guzman, and it was not without a marked 
effect for the good of the province; but it was too 
late to atone for past outrages, or to evade the storm 
of general revolt that was gathering. The governor, 
however, was spared the humiliation of failure. 
While engaged in a campaign against revolting tribes, 
after winning a hard-fought battle, he was accidentally 
killed early in 1538. Ohate again became acting 
governor; but before the end of the year the viceroy 
appointed Francisco Vazquez de Coronado to succeed 
Torre. The new ruler left Ohate still in command as 
lieutenant-governor, and himself made a tour of his 



province, subsequently engaging in an expedition to 
the far north. An attempt was made to continue 
Torre's policy toward the natives, and for a few years 
the general outbreak was deferred. 1 

Guzman was now out of the way, but Cortes had a 
new and powerful, though more honorable, rival in 
Viceroy Mendoza, who also cherished an ambition to 
acquire fame and wealth as a conquistador, and like 
the others looked northward for a field of conquest. 
To his credit it may be said that he proposed to found 
his fame largely on a lenient and just treatment of the 
native races. When Alvar Nunez and his party came 
to Mexico Mendoza had frequent interviews with them 
respecting the lands they had visited; he bought the 
negro Estevanico, and finally secured the services of 
Andres Dorantes to go with fifty men on a new expe- 
dition. This project was never carried out; 2 but it 
was arranged that Governor Coronado, soon after his 
appointment, should go north to San Miguel on a 
visit of inspection, and with him were sent several 
Franciscans accompanied by the negro Estevanico and 
by a party of liberated slaves from the region of 
Culiacan. The plan was to introduce the new Indian 
policy or to confirm the changes already made by the 
influence of Cabeza de Vaca, and under cover of this 
policy to send out a small party to prepare for the 
advance of a larger force of conquerors. 

After some preliminary embassies from San Miguel, 
composed of the freed slaves, or as certain authors 
say of friars, 3 by which the natives were convinced of 

1 See Hid. Mex., ii. chap, xxii., this series. 

- ' Je no sais pas comment il se fit que l'affaire n'eut pas de suite.' Men- 
doza, in Tcniaux-Compans, Voy., sCrie i. torn. ix. 287; Mamtisio, Navig., iii. 

8 Torquemada, iii. 357-8, and Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 141-5, speak of 
two Franciscans who went in 1538 with a captain bent on conquest and gold. 
At a certain place the captain turned to the right, was stopped by the sierra, 
and returned. The padres went to the left; one of them returned on account 
of illness; the other advanced over 200 leagues until he heard of a people 
wearing clothes, houses of many stories, walled towns on a great river, the 
Seven Cities, and Quivira. This padre, who was probably Juan Olmedo, 



Explorations of 1539-42. 


the Spaniards' good faith, Marcos de Niza, chief of 
the Franciscan band, with father Onorato, Estevanico, 
the freedmen, and many natives of Culiacan, left San 
Miguel March 7, 1539. 4 At the Kio Petatlan Ono- 
rato was left ill, and Niza pursued his way northward 
"as the holy ghost did lead him," being received with 
kind attentions, gifts, and triumphal arches all along 
the way. 5 

Some twenty-five leagues beyond Petatlan, by a 
route not far inland apparently, the friar met Indians 
whom he understood to have come from the land 
where Cortes had been, and who affirmed it to be an 
island and not a part of the continent; in fact Niza 
himself saw the natives pass to and from the island, 
which was only half a league from the main. Thus 
early in his narrative does the venerable padre begin 

returned and reported to his superior Marcos de Niza. See also, Salmeron, 
Relaciones, 6-7; Gil in Soc. Mex. Geog., viii. 481. Arricivita Cron. Serdf., 
prologo 3, mentions this trip as having been made by P. P. Juan de la Asun- 
cion and Pedro Nadal. It extended GOO leagues to a river in 35°. Clarets, 
Doct. Hist. Mex. , serie ii. , i. 364-5, also names P. Asuncion. I think it most 
likely that these accounts refer to Niza's trip confounded als® perhaps with 
later ones, although Venegas, Not. Gal., i. 103-4, seems to regard it as a dis- 
tinct expedition. 

4 Instructions of November 1538 given in Pacheco, Col. Doc, iii. 325-8; 
T< irnaux-Compans, Voy., sCrie i. torn. ix. 249-53; Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. 
cap. vii. They present no noteworthy feature. The country was of course to 
be carefully explored, and frequent reports were to be sent back. 

5 There are some vague and confusing statements respecting a province of 
Topira in the mountains, rich in gold and emeralds, whose inhabitants were 
warlike, fighting with silver weapons, but willing to be Christians. Some 
documents seem to imply that Niza found this province soon after starting; 
others that it was reached by Coronado or his men after Niza's departure. 
The province was probably that known later as Topia, embracing parts of 
Sinaloa and Durango. See letters of Coronado and Mendoza in Ternaux- 
Compans, Voy., serie i. torn. ix. 287-90, 349-54; Ramusio, Navig., iii. 354-5. 

6 Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades par el P. Fr. Marcos de Niza, in 
Pacheco, Col. Doc, iii. 325-50. This is Niza's diary from the original in the 
Spanish archives. Italian translation in Ramusio, Navig., iii. 356-9; Eng- 
lish, in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 300-73; French, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie 
i. torn. ix. 250-84. Also letters of Mendoza, Coronado, and other officials, 
giving original but unimportant information on certain parts of the trip in 
Jd., 287-90, 349-54; Ramusio, Navig., iii. 354-5; Florida, Col. Doc, i. 130; 
Oviedo, iv. IS— 19. Castaneda's inaccurate account, in Ternaux, as above, 
10-14, is also probably from original sources. Andres Garcia testified in 
Spain, 1540, that his son-in-law was a barber who shaved Niza and heard 
from him many details of the trip! Others testified in a general way to 
Niza's return and reports. Proceso del Marquis, 393 et set}. A full account 
from the original diary in Iferrera, dec. vi. lil >. vii. cap. viii. Whipple, in 
Pac. Ji. R. Explor., iii. 104-8, and Davis, Span. Conq. N. Mex., 114-31, have 


to draw on his imagination for facts. He also heard 
of thirty other inhabited islands where pearls were 
to be found. There is clearly something worse than 
exaggeration in this part of the diary, whatever may 
be the truth of the charge made by Cortes that all 
of Niza's pretended discoveries were pure inventions 
or founded only on the reports of natives brought to 
Mexico by Cortes himself. 7 

A journey of four days across a desert brought the 
friar to a tribe who had never heard of the Christians, 
but who gave food and called their guest Hayota, or 
Sayota, "man of God," and told him of large settle- 
ments four or five days inland, where the people 
dressed in cotton and had golden ornaments and im- 
plements. Three days later he reached a large town 
called Vacapa, or Vacupa, s where he remained from 
March 28th until after easter, or the 6th of April, 

given in notes their ideas of the route which Davis places nearer the coast 
than Whipple. For a poetical version printed in 1610, see ViHagrd, Hist. JV. 
Mex., 15. Other accounts more or less full and accurate, but containing 
nothing original, are found in Arricivila, Crdn. Sera/., prologo, 3; Rihas, 
Hist. Triumphos, 27; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 145-9; Bemal Diaz, Hist. 
Verdad., 235; Torquemada, iii. 358, 372; Gomara, Hint, hid., 271-3; Vene- 
gas, Not. Col., i. 163-4; Alegrc, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 230-7; Salmerou, Rela- 
eiones, 7; Alarcon, in Ramusio, Navig., iii. 368. Additional references: Galla- 
tin, in N. An. Voy., exxxi. 245-6; Greenhorn's Or. Gal., 56-60; Mollhauscn, 
Reisen, i. 432; ii. 156, 211; Galvano, Voy. Select., 43; Burney's ('/iron. Hist. 
Disc<n\, i. 189-93; Help>s Span. Conq., iii. 375; Davis' El Gringo, 61, 70-1; 
March y La bores, Marina Espan., ii. 225-6; Gil, in Soe. Mex. Geog., viii. 4S1; 
Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 65-6; Brou-ne's L. Gal., 16; Schoolcraft's Arch., 
iv. 23; vi. 69; Domenech's Deserts, i. 170-4; Brackeid>ridg<'s Mex. Letters, i. 
80; Barreiro, Ojeada, 5; Montanus, Ncue Well, 234-5; Montanus, N. Weercld, 
207-9; Frost's Half Hours, 122-8; Barber's Hist. West. St., 54G-8; Larenau- 
diere, Mex. Guat., 145; Ind. Aff. Rept. 1863, 3S8; Murray's N. Amer., ii. 
C9-72; Hutcliings Mag., i. Ill; Lardner's Hist. Mar. Discov., ii. 98; Laet, 
Novvs Orbis, 292, 297-9; Taylor, in Gal. Farmer, June 12, 1863; ^layer's 
Mex. Aztec, i. 145; Uring's Hist. Voy., 374. 

7 Cortes' memorial of June 25, 1540, in Icazbedcela, Col. Doc., ii. xxviii.-ix. ; 
Cort4s, Escritos, 299-304; Navarreie, Col. Viages, iv. 209, etc. Cortes 
states that with a view of enlisting Niza's services, he had imparted to him 
what he had learned from the natives during his voyage. The friar treacher- 
ously disclosed the information to the viceroy and on it founded his narrative. 
It is stated that Niza had been guilty of like dishonorable conduct in Guate- 
mala and Peru. 

8 Whipple, Fete. R. R. Repts., iii. 104, conjectures that the eastern settle- 
ment heard of was that now represented by the Casas Crandes of Chihuahua. 
For ;i description of those ruins sec Native Hares of the Fac. States, iv. 604-14, 
this scries. Whipple also locates Vacupa at Magdalena on the llio dc San 
Miguel. This is nothing but a conjecture, but perhaps as accurate a one as 
could be made. It is adopted by some other writers. 


sending native messengers to the coast, and also de- 
spatching the negro in advance and arranging a system 
of signals by which he might report his discoveries. 
Four days after his departure there came messengers 
with a large cross, the sign agreed upon to indicate 
that Estevanico had discovered or heard of a country 
larger or richer than New Spain; and also a verbal 
message of such wonderful things that even the credu- 
lous friar hesitated to believe them. The Indians 
sent to the coast also returned and brought back 
natives with reports of thirty-four inhabited but bar- 
ren isles, the people of which were large and strong, 
wearing ornaments of pearl-oyster shells, and bearing 
cow-hide shields. Three Indians of a tribe called 
Pintados, from the east, and claiming to know some- 
thing of Cibola, together with two of the islanders, 
set out with Niza to overtake Estevanico, who had 
sent a second cross. In three days he came to the 
people who had told the negro of Cibola and its seven 
cities, thirty days' journey beyond, where they had 
been to get turquoises. They also spoke of the prov- 
inces, or kingdoms, of Marata, Acus, and Totonteac. 
For five days the party went on through settlements, 
the last of which, well watered and pleasant, near the 
site of Tucson as Whipple thinks, was not far from 
the borders of a desert crossed in four days. 

Details of Niza's subsequent adventures, observa- 
tions, and falsehoods, with conjectures — for nothing 
more definite is possible — respecting the route fol- 
lowed, belong to another part of my work. 9 It suffices 
here to say that he continued his journey until late^in 
May when he looked from a hill upon Cibola, which 
he regarded as larger than Mexico, though said to be 
the smallest of the seven cities. A cross being raised, 
possession was taken of the country as New San Fran- 
cisco. Fray Marcos could not enter the town, as the 
people were hostile and had killed the negro and sev- 

8 See Hid. New Mex. and Ariz., this series. 


eral of his native companions. In latitude estimated 
as 35° it was understood that the coast opposite turned 
abruptly westward. The return was by the same 
route "with more fear than food;" and Niza reached 
Compostela at the end of June, accompanying Coro- 
nado to Mexico late in August. There seems to be 
no good reason to doubt that the friar really went 
from Culiacan through Sonora, across the Gila Val- 
ley, and thence north-westward to Cibola, one of the 
Zurii pueblos. Despite the gross exaggerations result- 
ing from Niza's credulity and lively imagination, it is 
evident enough that his story may have been remotely 
founded on the true state of things at that time. Ex- 
cept the so-called turquoises there was no foundation 
for the tales of great wealth to which this explorer's 
reports gave currency in Mexico. 

Though bitterly disappointed at the failure of his 
colonization scheme of 1535-6, the marques del Valle 
was by no means ready to give up all the brilliant 
hopes which had so long filled his heart; or, if he had 
such an inclination at first, the reports of Alvar Nunez 
kindled his enthusiasm as they did that of Mendoza. 
So long as northern conquest promised but slight re- 
ward, relations between captain-general and viceroy 
were somewhat friendly; but with reports of great 
cities causing renewed popular interest, serious hos- 
tility was developed between the two. Cortes claimed 
the exclusive right to make explorations in the north. 
In September 1538 he wrote to the council of the 
Indies that he had nine good vessels ready for a voy- 
age, only lacking pilots. 10 Mendoza's act in despatch- 
ing Niza, to whom Cortes had confided all he had 
learned about the north, was strenuously but vainly 
opposed by the captain-general, who, on hearing the 
friar's marvellous tales, became alarmed lest another 
should reap the fame and wealth for which he had 

10 Col. Doc. Inccl, iv. 193; Cortes, Escrllos, 280-1. 


toiled so earnestly, and resolved to get the start of his 
rival by sending out a fleet at once. 11 

The Santa Agueda, Triniclad, and Santo Tomds, of 
one hundred and twenty, thirty-five, and twenty tons 
respectively, were put under the command of Fran- 
cisco de Ulloa, and having on board sixty soldiers and . 

11 In his memorial of June 28, 1540, Cortds, Escritos, 303-4; Col. Doc. Intd., 
iv. 213, says that Mendoza hearing of Ulloa's departure sent men to the 
ports where the fleet might touch to prevent the voyage; and also on the 
return to hear what had been accomplished. Thus a messenger sent from 
Santiago to Cortes was seized and tortured with a view of obtaining informa- 
tion. The viceroy also ordered that no person be allowed to leave New Spain 
without his permission, so that no aid could be sent to Ulloa. Bernal Diaz, 
however, Hist. Verdad., 234, says the expedition was sent by the express 
order of the audiencia. In his memorial of 1539 Cortes announces that Ulloa 
is ready to sail, and asks that no restrictions be placed on his sending expedi- 
tions to the countries he had discovered. Escritos, 204-5. The state of feeling 
between the different would-be conquerors after the receipt of Niza's reports 
is best shown by legal proceedings in Spain in 1540-1. Proccso del Marques, 
300-408. Cort6s, Guzman, Alvarado, and Soto each by an attorney urged 
upon the royal council his title to Cibola. Each had a license for northern 
discovery, obtained in the hope that in the vague northern somewhere was a 
mighty nation, etc., to make the finder famous, powerful, and rich. Now this 
prize had been found by a fifth party, the viceroy, through Niza, and Men- 
doza was said to be preparing to follow up the discovery. Something must 
be done. Soto was authorized to conquer and govern 200 leagues on the 
Florida coast, and was at the time engaged in active explorations. That 
Cibola was included in his territory was a fact known to all the world, so 
clear that a child might comprehend it. As yet his obtuse adversaries had 
the assurance to deny that Cibola was in Florida. 

Cortes, who in general terms would admit the right of no other to make 
northern discoveries at all, had authority to explore and conquer on the South 
Sea coasts toward the Gran China; he had spent large sums of money, had 
sent several armadas, and had another ready; indeed he had already dis- 
covered Cibola, or the lands immediately adjoining. It was doubtful whether 
Niza had found anything, but he had probably merely repeated the reports 
obtained from Cortes. Had it not been for Guzman's opposition he would now 
be in full j)ossession of Cibola and the country far beyond. Everybody knew 
that Soto's claim was absurd, Florida being a long way off. As fur Don 
Nufio, he was simply governor of New Galicia, and would do well to attend 
to his own business. Guzman, for his part, was also licensed to make northern 
conquistas, and had done so for many leagues. Both the lands discovered by 
Cortds (Santa Cruz) and Cibola were notoriously in his jurisdiction, just ad- 
joining in fact his actual settlements. Cortes never had any right to go north, 
his license being for the west, or toward India; but if he had any such right 
he had forfeited it by not retaining possession of the island he claimed to 
have discovered. He could not have made the voyage anyway without Cuz- 
man's aid; nor could Niza have gone so far north but for Guzman's earlier 
conquest. Alvarado figured less prominently, but he too had a license for 
South Sea exploration, and thought it well to keep his claim alive before the 
consejo. All agreed on one point, that Mendoza had no right to continue his 
efforts. The fiscal rendered an opinion that each party, being so strongly 
opposed, was probably wrong ! and the council at last gave 30 days to prove 
where Cibola was, the decision being practically in favor of the viceroy as 
representing the crown. 


three friars in addition to the crew, sailed from Aca- 
pulco July 8, 15 3D. 12 Just before reaching Santiago 
the Santa Agueda broke her mast in a storm and the 
fleet did not leave this port till the 23d of August. 
The details of Ulloa's voyage have for the most part 
no geographical importance, as but very few of the 
points mentioned can be identified; yet as the first 
exploration of the gulf to its head, the voyage has a 
certain degree of historic value, and I therefore con- 
dense the details in a note. 13 The Santo Tomds having 
been lost on the Culiacan coast, the other two vessels 

12 There is no doubt about this date. The many errors of different writers 
need not therefore be noticed here. 

13 Sailed from Santiago Aug. 23d; Sto Tomds lost Aug. 27th-8th, and the 
others driven to Guayabal; thence across to Sta Cruz, which they left Sept. 
12th. Two days across to Rio S. Pedro y S. Pablo, having an island in front 
4-5 miles out; 15 leagues up the coast to two large rivers two 1. apart; 18 1. 
to large lagoons and shallows; 171. passing a bay of 4-5 1. ; 1G 1. ; at noon next 
day a cape of white sand on a level coast in 29° 45' named C. Kojo; near by 
was a river forming a lagoon, and several other rivers; next day a fine port 
with two entrances in a fine country (Guaymas?); two days and a half or 40 1. 
to many islands on the left, also Cape Llagas; 30 1. to where the coasts were 
only 12 1. apart with two islands in the middle 4 1. apart; a river seemed to 
enter here; 50 1. of sandy and barren shores; water chalky white, high mount- 
ains to be seen in the N. \v. ; 10 1. to where the water was black and turbid 
and only 5 fathoms deep; crossed over to western shore where depth was still 
less; a strong flux and reflux of the waters every six hours, the sea appearing 
to flow into and from a lagoon, or else there was a great river; viewed from 
the mast-head the shores seemed to unite at a distance of 1 league; posses- 
sion was taken, apparently on the California side. 

Down western coast a few leagues to a large port on a mountainous coast, 
having an island in front; passed between a mountainous island and the coast 
into port S. Andres (Gomara and Venegas seem to locate this port at the head 
of the gulf); between coast and another island over 180 1. in circumference 
1 or 2 1. out; Oct. 11th, another large island (Tortuga?) on left and a 
great bay on right; Oct. 13th in a fine bay surrounded by mountains, with 
two small islands and rivers; Oct. 16th, a cape with high mountains near Sta 
Cruz (La Paz); Oct. 18th, entered Sta Cruz; sailed Oct. 29th; Nov. 10th, they 
were 54 1. from California (from Sta Cruz?) and saw the Pearl Island; vessels 
separated 3 days; Nov. 18th, 70 1. from Sta Cruz; Nov. 24th, vessels sepa- 
rated; land seen in the N. w. 

Nov. 2Gth they met near a lagoon 30 1. in circumference (Magdalena 33., 
Navarrete) with a deep narrow channel, near a mountain; fight with Indians 
Nov. 29th (or Dec. 2d); Dec. 4th, sailed 8-10 1. to a fine port S. Abad with 
rivers (Magdalena B., Burney — Sta Marta B., Navarrete); 20 1. farther lost 
anchors, and driven back to the lagoon (ortoS. Abad); Dec. 17th, to Pt Trin- 
idad (on Margarita Isl., Navarrete) and thence to where the anchors were lost, 
35 1. from the lagoon; G3 1. farther by Jan. 1, 1540, to a point in front of 
several high mountains; 35 1. in five days to Cedros Isl., large and inhabited, 
tbe chief of the S. Stephano group of three, possession taken Jan. 22d; ad- 
vanced 18 1. but driven back; several vain attempts to go farther north until 
Mar. 24th; Sta Agueda sent back April 5th; April 18th arrived at Santiago. 
These details are from Preciado's account in Painusio. 


after crossing over to Santa Cruz followed up the 
Sonora coast, entering probably the port now called 
Guaymas, noting the numerous islands a little above, 
and finally reaching a point near the mouth of the 
Colorado where the low sandy shores seemed to unite 
about a league off. It was the opinion of most of the 
officers that they did so unite, forming a gulf and 
making Santa Cruz a part of the main. 14 

The 18th of October, having passed down the 
peninsula coast, the fleet anchored in Santa Cruz 
Ba} r . Rounding the cape in November, Ulloa con- 
tinued up the outer coast, entered probably Magda- 
lena Bay, was wounded in a battle with the natives, 
and remained from January to April at or near Cedros 
Island, since known as Cerros. Thence he made sev- 
eral ineffectual attempts to sail northward, but accord- 
ing to the diary 15 the farthest point reached was only 
about eighteen leagues above the island. The map 
made by Domingo Castillo in 1541, from the results 
of this voyage only, so far as the outer coast is con- 
cerned, names the northern limit Cabo del Engano, 
or Cape Disappointment, as does also the historian 

14 Below on the California coast some are said to have been disgusted at 
the idea of making so long a voyage without positively settling the question; 
but this doubt was in relation to an inlet just above Sta Cruz which it was 
thought might be a strait. Ramusio, Navig., iii. 343. 

15 Ulloa, Relatione dello Scoprimento che nel nome oil Dlo va a far Vanuatu 
delVillustrissimo Fernando Cortese, etc. In Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 339-54; 
Halcluyt's Vcy., iii. 397-424. The writer was Francisco Preciado, perhaps 
one of the friars, but I think not, from the part he took in the fighting. Full 
accounts from the same source, or exhibiting a few variations of unexplained 
origin, arc given in llerrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. viii.-x. ; Sutil yMcx., Vlaje, 
xxi.-v., app. 15; Laet, Novvs Orbls, 293-7. See also Navarrete, ViajcsApdc, 
28-9; Denial Diaz, IJist. Verdad., 234; Gomara, Conq. Mex., 292-3; Vene- 
gas, Not. Cal., i. 158-GO; Burney's Chron. Hist. Dlscov.,i. 193-210; Ctavigero, 
Stor. Cal, 151; CorUs, Hist., 324; Cortes, Escritos, 280-1, 294-5, 303-4; 
Mofras, Explor., i. 93-4; Purchas, Ills Pilgrimes, v. 85G; Galvano, in Voy. 
Select., 43; Cavo, Tres Slglos, i. 123, 128; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 142-3; 
Salazar y Olarte, Hint. Conq. Mex., 450; Broivne's L. Cal., 15-16; Grcenhow's 
Mem., 2(5-7; Id., Or. and Cal., 56—7; TuthilVs Hut. Cal., 9; Gottfriedt, Neice 
Welt, 605 7; Montanus, N. Weereld, 205-7; Id., N. Welt, 232-4; Mora, in Soc. 

Mex. Geog.,ix. 311; Gordon's iV. Amer., 92; Gleeson's J list. Cath. Ch., i. 68-9; 
nines' Voy., 349; Flndlay's Directory; Domenech's Deserts, i. 225-6; Farn- 
kam 's Life in Cal., 124-5; Fedlx, VOHgon, 55; Forbes' Cal., 9; Larenaudiere, 
Mex. Gnat., 151; Hutching** Mag., iii. 400; Murray's Hid. Trav., ii. 6S; 
Poussin, rOre'gon, 18-19; ltvschenu<r<jcr, Voy., ii. 424; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, 
April 18, 1804; Ty tier's Hist. Dlscov., 70-3; Frost's Half Hours, 110-19. 



Gomara. 18 At last, on April 5th, the vessels parted 
company, the Santa Agueda, the weaker of the two, 
being sent back under command of the chief pilot to 
report to Cortes. She arrived at Santiago April 
18th, remained a few days, and then went south. 17 
Of Ulloa's voyage on the Trinidad after the separa- 
tion absolutely nothing is known. It is probable 
that he never returned, the only original evidence to 

Castillo's Map, 1541. 

the contrary being the statement of Bernal Diaz that 
he came back to Jalisco, where he was soon waylaid 
and killed by one of his own men. 18 

16 Map published by Lorenzana in Cortex, Hist., 328. The author also 
went with Alarcon in 1540, but did not in that voyage visit the western 
coast of the peninsula. 

17 This must have been the occasion already referred to (note 11 of this 
chapter) when the messenger to Cortes was tortured by Maldonado acting 
under Mendoza's orders. Cortes states further, Escritos, 303-4, that the 
vessel, having lost her boat and anchors, was obliged to enter the port of 
Guatulco, when the crew were seized and the vessel was lost. 

ls Hi8t. Verdad., 234. Mofras, Exploi-., i. 83-4, says Ulloa came back 
to Acapulco in May 1540. 

Hisi. N. Hex. States, Vol. I. 6 


It should be noted here that the name California 
was first applied to the region before known as Santa 
Cruz in the narrative of Ulloa's voyage. It was ap- 
plied to a locality, probably that of Santa Cruz itself, 
though this is not quite certain; and it was soon ex- 
tended to the whole peninsula. The origin of the 
name afforded grounds for much conjecture, no evi- 
dence beyond conjecture being adduced, until the 
truth was known. The most plausible theory was 
that the name was a corruption of some imperfectly 
understood native words; another being that it was 
deliberately formed by Cortes and his associates from 
Latin or Greek roots. In 1862 Edward E. Hale dis- 
covered the source from which the name was obtained 
in an old romance, the Sergas de Esplandian by Or- 
donez cle Montalvo, popular among the adventurers 
of the time of Cortes, and in which was mentioned 
an island of California "on the right hand of the 
Indies, very near the terrestrial paradise." There is 
no evidence respecting the circumstances under which 
the name was given, nor is any likely ever to be 
found. It was given between 1535 and 1539, and not 
by Cortes, for he never even used the name. It will 
be remembered that Ulloa was left on the peninsula 
in command of the colony in 1536; and I hazard the 
conjecture that the place of their sufferings, or pos- 
sibly one of the islands in the vicinity, was named 
California by the disgusted colonists on their depar- 
ture, as a term of ridicule. This may be the reason 
that Don Hernan never wrote the name. I treat the 
general subject somewhat more fully elsewhere. 19 

Governor Coronado received Niza's report, de- 
spatched Melchor Diaz and Juan de Zaldivar with 
fifteen men to verify it, and hastened to Mexico to 
raise an army for the conquest of Cibola and its 
seven cities. At the capital the friar scattered his 
marvellous tales broadcast; he was made provincial of 

19 Sec Hist. Cal., i. 64-8, this series. 


the Franciscans and thus was secured the earnest 
cooperation of that order. Coronado affected secrecy 
and mystery the better to excite popular interest. 
Mendoza, no less enthusiastic, lent to the scheme the 
full aid of his influence and authority. The response 
was as immediate and satisfactory as had been those 
to the calls of Guzman in 1529 and of Cortes in 1539, 
notwithstanding the disastrous termination of both 
expeditions. Three hundred Spaniards, including 
many gentlemen of good family and high rank, with 
eight hundred Indian allies were enlisted without 
difficulty. Mendoza wished at first to take command 
in person, but the state of affairs in Mexico making 
this impracticable Coronado was made captain-general 
of the expedition. He had the entire confidence of 
the viceroy, and was at this time popular with his 
men; though it appears that he had no real military 
authority over many of his gentleman officers, who 
were bound only by their promise. Mendoza went 
to Compostela, and cheered the army by a parting 
address in February 1540. A maritime expedition 
under Pedro de Alarcon was to cooperate with the 
army, but as there was no communication between 
the two branches, the voyage will be noticed later. 

At Chametla, Lope de Samaniego, the maestre de 
campo, who it will be remembered had served under 
Guzman and had been first to reach the Petatlan 
River, having imprudently entered a pueblo with but 
few companions, was killed by the natives. His death 
was much regretted, and was terribly avenged by the 
hanging of such inhabitants of the town and vicinity 
as could be caught. Here also Diaz and Zaldivar 
joined the army, coming back from a preliminary ex- 
ploration undertaken from San Miguel in the preced- 
ing November by Coronado's order. They had followed 
Niza's route and reached Chichilticale, perhaps on the 
Gila River, but had found little or nothing to justify 
the padre provincial's glowing statements. Their 
report was made secretly, but its purport leaked out, 


and it required all Coronado's zeal and renewed assev- 
erations by Niza to revive the hopes of the army. 20 

After fifteen days of rest and preparation at San 
Miguel, 21 the general, taking with him fifty horsemen; 
a few foot-soldiers, his best friends, and all the friars, 
started northward about the middle of April, leaving 
the main army under Captain Tristan de Arellano 
with instructions to follow fifteen or twenty days 
later and to await further orders at the valle} 7 of 
Corazones. The advance was slow, difficulties of the 
way being much greater than they had been rep- 
resented, although the natives were always friendly. 
Late in May he reached the valley of Corazones, 
where he learned that the coast was five days distant, 
that seven or eight inhabited islands lay opposite, 
and that a ship had been seen to pass. Next he 
marched to Chichilticale, the "red house," probably 
the structure since known as the Casa Grande on the 
Gila, then as now a roofless ruin. 22 The 23d of June 

20 Mendoza, in a letter dated Jacona (Mich.), April 17, 1540, Temaux-Com- 
"pans, Voy., serie i. torn. ix. 291-8, says that Diaz was stopped by extreme 
cold more than 100 leagues beyond Culiacan, and found it impossible to reach 
Cibola, but acquired much information from the Indians about that province, 
and sent back Zaldivar with a letter to the viceroy which was received March 
20th. Both Diaz and Zaldivar doubtless returned to Chametla, whence the 
latter was sent south with the letter. Mendoza's return to Mexico was de- 
layed by an attack of fever in Colima. 

The standard and original authorities on Coronado's expedition are: Cas- 
taiieda, Relation du Voyage de Cibola; Corona do, Relation del Suceso de la 
Jornada, by an unknown writer; Jaramillo, Relation que did el Capitan; and 
several printed letters of Coronado and Mendoza. Mota-Padilla gives some 
unimportant details from unknown sources not the preceding; most of the 
early chroniclers devote considerable space to the subject; and many modern 
writers have given their versions and comments. Interest in the expedition, 
however, centres in the far north, and for bibliographical details and a list of 
authorities I refer the reader to Hist. N. Mex. and Ariz., this series. 

21 According to Frejes, Hist. Breve, 115-17, Coronado sent troops from 
Culiacan to S. Sebastian de Coras (?) and hanged 150 natives for no offence. 
This may be a reference to the affairs at Chametla. The author is very bitter 
against Coronado. 

• 22 Jaramillo gives more details of the route: From the Rio Sinaloa (Fuerte), 
five days to Cedros Creek; three days to the Rio Yaqui; three days to a creek 
on which were straw huts; two days to the creek and pueblo of Corazones. 
Through a kind of pass to the valley of Senora (Sonora), on the same creek; 
one day along the creek to Ispa; four days through a desert to Nexpa Creek 
(Sta Cruz River, Simpson, 325. Gila River, Squier in Amer. Rev., Nov. 1846, 
6); two days down this creek, turned to right and followed Chichilticale 
Mts. for two days, N. E. ; crossed the mountains to a stream in a deep Canada; 


he entered the country beyond and directed his course 
north-eastward. Fifteen days later he was on the 
Rio Vermejo, or Rio de Lino, now the Colorado 
Chiquito; and about the 10th of July he came in 
sight of the famous towns of Cibola. The one first 
approached, and named Granada, was built on a high 
rocky mesa accessible at one point only. It doubtless 
stood where now are seen the ruins of Old Zuhi. 

Particulars of Coronado's further explorations, 
though interesting, important, and somewhat com- 
plicated, belong obviously to the annals of Arizona 
and New Mexico. An outline is all that is required 
here. 23 During his stay of five months at Cibola with 
his advance guard, Coronado sent Captain Tobar to 
Tusayan, or the Moqui towns, Captain Cardenas to 
the great canon of the Colorado farther west, and 
Captain Alvaraclo far east to Cicuye, or Pecos, in 
New Mexico. In December, the main army under 
Arellano having meanwhile arrived from the south to 
join him, Coronado marched east and went into winter 
quarters in the province of Tiguex, or country of the 
Tiguas, in the valley of the Pio Grande del Norte, 
near the mouth of the Puerco. The natives were 
well disposed at first, but outrageous oppression soon 
made them hostile, and the winter was spent in war. 
The natives of Tiguex were defeated, but left their 
pueblos and would not submit. In May 1541 Coro- 
nado crossed the river and started out into the plains 
north-eastward in search of great towns and precious 
metals reported to exist in that direction. One divi- 
sion of the army returned to Tiguex in July and 
Coronado himself in September. He had penetrated 
as he believed to 40°, and had very likely reached 
Kansas between the Arkansas and Missouri rivers. 
The limit was a province called Quivira, and though 

three days N. e. to Rio S. Juan (June 24th); two days N. to Rio de las Bal- 
sas; two short days n. e. to Barranca Creek; one day to Rio Frio; one day, 
through a pine forest, to a creek; two days n. e. to Rio Vermejo; two days 
to Cibola. 

23 See Hist. N. Max. and Ariz., this series, for full details. 


he found a populous country and large villages of 
wigwams, there were no gold and silver, no powerful 
kingdoms, no advanced civilization. It should be 
noted, however, that popular belief in the wealth of 
Quivira increased notwithstanding Coronado's failure, 
so that the place played a prominent part in later con- 
jectures and reasonings about what must exist in the 
far north. Moreover by a strange error, apparently 
of the historian Gomara, Quivira and most of Coro- 
nado's discoveries were soon transferred to the northern 
Pacific coast, where they figured on maps for many 
years. Meanwhile expeditions were also sent far down 
the Rio Grande and up as far as Taos. In the spring 
of 1542, when ready for a new campaign, Coronado 
was seriously injured in a tournament, and on con- 
valescence determined, against the will of his officers, 
to give up the expedition. Some friars were left 
behind, who were afterward killed, and in April the 
return march was begun. 

At Chichilticale Captain Gallego was met, with a 
small reenforcement from Mexico and Culiacan. His 
march had been through hostile tribes who resisted 
every step, and his exploits gave him great fame as 
an Indian-fighter. The chronicler believes that with 
his little company of twenty-two men Gallego would 
have gone on and penetrated the rich country de- 
scribed by El Turco. Here the gentlemen renewed 
their requests for a further prosecution of the con- 
quest; but neither the leader nor the army would 
listen to their pleadings; at least the latter would not, 
for Coronado seems to have lost all real control. The 
march homeward through Sonora was marked by 
several encounters with the natives, and by the dis- 
covery of an antidote for the poisoned arrows. At 
Culiacan the army arrived in a sad state of insubordi- 
nation. Coronado, still unwell, was unable to make 
his authority respected either as commander or as gov- 
ernor of the province, and it was only with much diffi- 
culty and by a lavish distribution of gifts and promises 


that the army was induced to accompany him to 
Mexico. 24 This last stage of the return was begun 
late in June, and after a difficult march, during which 
the soldiers were constantly deserting, the sick cap- 
tain-general arrived in the capital with barely a hun- 
dred men. 25 He was coldly received at first by the 
viceroy, who was naturally much disappointed at the 
failure of his grand scheme of conquest; but his 
explanations seem to have been finally accepted as 
satisfactory, he was honorably discharged from his 
command, and as soon as his health would permit 
resumed his duties as governor of New Galicia. 

I have now to note the progress of events in the 
territory since called Sonora, during Coronado's stay 
in New Mexico from 1540 to 1542. Arellano in com- 
mand of Coronado's main force had left San Miguel 
in April 1540 and marched to Corazones Valley. 26 
Here he began the foundation of a town to be named 
San Geronimo; but the site was soon changed to the 
valley of Senor, or Senora, perhaps the original form 
of the name Sonora, still applied to the valley as to 
the state. The site was probably in the region be- 
tween the modern Hermosillo and Arizpe, but all 
details of exact location in the different authorities are 
hopelessly confused. Captain Maldonado was sent 

24 From' Culiacan each one went where he pleased. Coronado, Relation, 

25 Gomara, Hist. Tnd., 274. Venegas, Not. Ccd., i. 167-9, and others date 
the arrival in Mexico as March 1542. 

26 'My idea is, that the town of Corazones on the Sonora River, was Sonora, 
so called becanse it was eminently the town of the province of corazones, in 
which it was situated; that San Hieronimo de los Corazones was situated ac- 
cording to Coronado 10 or 12 1. from the sea, and. . .401. from Sonora, on the 
Suya River; which would place it. . .on a river which is now called S. Ignacio.' 
Simpson, in Smithsonian Rept., 1869, 325. Possibly the above was clear to 
Mr S. San Geronimo, 12 1. from the later town of Sonora. Mota-Padilla, 
Conq. N. Gal., 163. The valle del Senor was that of the San Miguel River. 
Whipple in Pac. R. R. Rept., iii. 108-12. Corazones Valley pi'obably on 
Mnlatos Rio, where Yecora lies. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 237. Senora 
Valle}' 10 1. beyond Corazones. Coronado, Relation, 147-8. Corazones in the 
lower part of Senora Valley. Castaneda, 157. According to Benavides, Re- 
qveste, 109-10, Corazones was the first pueblo in Seiiora Valley, and 6 1. 
beyond was the larger pueblo of Agastan, a name which I find nowhere else. 


down the river to the gulf in the hope of finding a 
port or meeting Alarcon's fleet, but accomplished 
neither object. In October captains Diaz and Gal- 
lego arrived at San Geronimo from the north, having 
been despatched by Coronado from Cibola. Diaz was 
to remain in command at the new settlement with 
eighty men, and to put himself if possible in commu- 
nication with Alarcon. Gallego was to proceed to 
Mexico with reports for the viceroy, and Arellano 
with the main force was to join the general at Cibola, 
as he did in December. 

Leaving Diego de Alcaraz in command at San 
Geronimo, Melchor Diaz soon started with twenty- 
five picked men, and Indian guides, in search of Alar- 
con. He probably went down the river to the gulf 
and thence proceeded north-west wardly, not far from 
the coast. We have no particulars of the march, esti- 
mated at a hundred and fifty leagues, until he reached 
the region about the mouth of the Colorado, a river 
named by Diaz Rio del Tizon from the custom of the 
natives of carrying a fire-brand with which to warm 
themselves, and which was perfectly understood by 
the Spaniards to be the same river discovered nearer 
its source by Cardenas from Cibola and the Moqui 
towns. The natives were so large and strong, it is 
gravely stated, that one of them easily bore upon his 
head a burden which six Spaniards could not move. 
On reaching the river, Diaz heard that the vessels had 
been seen below, and after travelling three days to a 
point which he considered fifteen leagues from the 
mouth, he found letters from Alarcon, buried at the 
foot of a tree. The letters announced the voyager's 
return to New Spain and his discovery that California 
was not an island. The party then went up the river 
for five or six days in search of a ford. They finally 
crossed on rafts in the country of a hostile tribe who 
plotted their destruction, but whose plans were dis- 
covered and circumvented. There is no evidence that 
Diaz went above the mouth of the Gila. After cross- 


ing he proceeded down the river and coast for an un- 
known distance, reaching a region where the ground 
is said to have been so hot and trembling as to be 
impassable. Finally, in attempting to drive away a 
dog which was worrying the sheep brought for food, 
he threw his lance, and, his horse still running, was 
pierced in the thigh by the weapon which had stuck 
point uppermost in the ground. He was carried back 
toward San Geronimo for twenty days, but died before 
his party arrived there early in 1541. 27 

Alcaraz at once sent to Coronado the report of 
Diaz's death, with the further information that the 
natives were hostile, the soldiers mutinous, and the 
prospects of the colony bad. Captain Tobar was sent 
south from Tiguex, and on his arrival caused the arrest 
of some of the worst native chieftains; but Alcaraz 
freed them for a ransom of cloth. As soon as their 
chiefs were released the Indians attacked the Spaniards 
and killed seventeen with poisoned arrows before they 
could regain the settlement. Tobar now changed again 
the site of San Geronimo, transferring it forty leagues 
northward to the valley of Suva, perhaps identical 
with the Rio San Ignacio of modern maps, in the 
vicinity of Magdalena. About August 1541 Tobar 
returned to Tiguex, and is said to have taken with him 
the best of the soldiers, leaving the most unmanage- 
able at San Geronimo. In the spring of 1542, when 
Captain Cardenas arrived from the north he found 
the town empty. Before its final abandonment most 
of the remaining force had deserted and fled toward 
Culiacan under Pedro de Avila. Of the deserters 
some were killed by the savages, others were detained 
by Saavedra at San Miguel, and the rest fled toward 
Mexico. The natives took advantage of the colony's 

27 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 158-9, says that Diaz after crossing the 
river travelled four days, found no people, and resolved to return; on the re- 
turn he was wounded by the shaft and not the point of the lance; and died 
Jan. 18th. According to Coronado, Relation, 149, he crossed the river 30 1. 
from its mouth, travelled westward 5 or G days, returned for want of water, 
and was killed during the return. 


defenceless condition to renew their hostilities. One 
morning they suddenly attacked and took the town, 
killed Alcaraz and several other Spaniards, with many 
native servants, cattle, and horses, and retired laden 
with booty. The survivors 28 started on foot next day 
for Culiacan, where they finally arrived after having 
been succored on the way by the ever faithful natives 
of Corazones. Coronado on his return march found 
the natives still hostile, but disposed to keep out of 
the way, and he seems to have made no stop at the 
deserted San. Geronimo. Thus unfortunate were the 
earliest attempts to settle the territory of Sonora. 

In connection with Coronado's expedition, Her- 
nando de Alarcon, chamberlain of the viceroy as 
Bernal Diaz asserts, was ordered to proceed up the 
coast by water, to carry supplies and otherwise coop- 
erate with the army. Alarcon's instructions were 
made with a knowledge of Ulloa's explorations, and 
of the probability of having to ascend a river in order 
to reach the prescribed latitude of 36°. Still, as no 
river had been seen and nothing whatever of its course 
was known, it is somewhat remarkable that so much 
confidence was felt in the meeting of the land and sea 

With the San Pedro and Santa Catalina, the latter 
in command of Marcos Ruiz de Rojas, Alarcon sailed, 
probably from Acapulco, 29 May 9, 1540. At San- 
tiago, in Colima, having repaired the damages result- 
ing from a gale, he took on board additional men 
waiting there and directed his course to Guayabal, or 
the port of San Miguel. Here he learned that Coro- 
nado had already left Culiacan, and also found the 
San Gabriel, laden with provisions for the army. 
Hence the fleet of three vessels sailed up the coast, 

28 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 237-8, says that of 40 only a priest and four 
men escaped; also that the revolt was caused by the outrages of Alcaraz. 

29 The port is not named in the diary. Simpson, Smithsonian Rept., 18G9, 
315-1G, says Natividad, but this is not consistent with his touching later at 


noting, as is claimed, several harbors not seen by 
Ulloa, to the shoals near the head of the gulf where 
Ulloa had turned back. Alarcon's men wished to 
return, also the shoals seemed impassable, but he 
sent out the pilots Nicolas Zamorano and Domingo 
del Castillo, who found a passage, through which, 
after grounding and narrowly escaping wreck, the 
vessels were brought and anchored at the mouth of 
the river. 

August 26th two boats, one of them having on 
board Alarcon, Rodrigo Maldonaclo the treasurer, 
and Gaspar del Castillo the contador, with twenty 
men, started up the river, towing being necessary at 
times by reason of the rapid current. The natives 
soon made their appearance in constantly increasing 
numbers; at first hostile and menacing, so that Alar- 
con had often to retire to the middle of the stream, 
but gradually becoming appeased and consenting to 
an exchange of gifts. After a few days, persuaded 
that the Spaniards were children of the sun, they 
brought food in great abundance, volunteered to aid 
in towing the boats, and finally consented to make 
Alarcon their chief if he would remain. The narra- 
tive of the voyage is for the most part filled with 
unimportant particulars of attempted conversations 
with the Indians, and efforts to learn something of 
Coronado. Most of Marcos de Niza's names were 
unknown to the natives, who nevertheless gratified 
their visitors with not a few tales of grand rivers, 
mountains of copper, powerful chieftains, and tradi- 
tions of bearded white men, which they or their 
ancestors had heard of some time and somewhere. 
One or more 'old men' usually accompanied Alarcon 
in the boat, keeping him supplied with these vagaries; 
and they talked also of an old woman, Quatazaca, 
who lived without eating on a lake, or near the sea, 
or by a mountain, in the country where copper bells 
were made. 

Natives were met who had been at Cibola, and 


who seemed to have some knowledge of Niza's visit 
and the fate of the negro Estevanico. At one place 
the natives were found to be greatly excited because 
two of their number had brought from Cibola the 
news that white men had again made their appear- 
ance there. Alarcon calmed their fears by the assur- 
ance that those at Cibola were like his own men, 
children of the sun, and would do the Indians no 
harm. It was proposed to send messengers to Cibola, 
the distance, or rather that part of it lying in an 
uninhabited country, being represented as only ten 
days' journey; but none of the officers would volun- 
teer to make the attempt, and the natives excused 
themselves from furnishing supplies and guides, wish- 
ing the Spaniards to remain and help them conquer 
their foes of Cumana. Quicama, and Coana are the 
only places named on the river, and respecting their 
location nothing definite is stated. 

Early in September the boats started down the 
river, reaching the ships in two days and a half. 
There is absolutely nothing in the narrative, beyond 
the last statements, on which to found an opinion as to 
how far Alarcon went up the Colorado on this trip; 
but after some preparations for careening and repair- 
ing the San Pedro, he started again, thinking that 
Coronado might in the mean time have heard of his 
presence in the country. He started September 14th 
and went up again to Quicama and Coana. At the 
latter place he met a Spaniard who had been left 
there in the first trip, and who had been kindly 
treated. Farther up an enchanter from Cumana 
planted reeds on the banks, which by their magical 
power were to stop the progress of the boats, but 
failed to do so. At the home of the last ' old man ' 
who served as guide, Alarcon erected a cross, buried 
at its foot letters for Coronado or others who might 
find them, and having received a message from the 
chief of Cumana declining to visit the Spaniards, 
started to return to the gulf. 


Before turning back Alarcon says he passed a place 
where the river flowed between high mountains; he 
states also that he went eighty-five leagues — which 
may mean any distance from 100 to 250 miles — up 
the river; and further that he advanced four degrees 
beyond the latitude reached by Ulloa. The mountain 
pass with a medium estimate of distance would seem 
to indicate a part of the Colorado above the Gila and 
below Bill Williams Fork; but Melchor Diaz found 
Alarcon's letters two months later at a distance which 
he estimated to be only fifteen leagues from the 
mouth, so that if these were the only letters deposited, 
Alarcon's statement of distance is grossly exagger- 
ated. It may also be noted that he mentions no 
stream corresponding to the Gila, as he would natu- 
rally have done had he passed its mouth. 30 

The name Buena Guia was given to the river from 
a part of the motto on Mendoza's coat-of-arms, and 
on the shore, near the mouth, at a place called La 
Cruz, a kind of chapel was built and dedicated to 
Our Lady of Buena Guia. The return was in Octo- 
ber or November probably, and the fleet touched at 
several points on the coast during the voyage south- 
ward. At the port of Colima, probably Natividad, 31 
Pedro de Alvarado was found with his fleet. He 
attempted to exercise some authority over Alarcon, 
who, after delivering to Luis de Castilla and Agustin 
Guerrero his narrative of the voyage, 32 sailed away in 
the darkness of the night "to avoid scandal." 

30 Venegas, Not. Col., i. 170-1, and other writers say that Alarcon reached 
36°. This comes from his instructions or from the statement that he went 4° 
farther than Ulloa. 

31 Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 170-1, says Purificacion. 

3 -This narrative, Alarcon, Relatione dclla Navigatione & Scoprrta che 
fece il Capitano Fernando Alarcone, etc., sent to the viceroy from Colima, 
seems to be the only original authority on this voyage. It was translated 
and published in Ramusio, Navig., iii. 363-70; Hakluyfs Voy., iii. 425-39, 
and Ternaax-Compans, Voy., sCrie i. torn. ix. 299-348. Herrera, dec. vi. 
lib. ix. cap. xiii.-xv., also gives the narrative nearly in full. Alarcon in- 
tended to write a more complete account, but probably never did so. Alarcon 
and Ulloa, Relacion del Armada, in Col. Doc. luhl., iv. 218, is a brief and un- 
important narrative of both expeditions. For copy of the map made by Cas- 
tillo, one of Alarcon's pilots, see p. 81 of this volume. Other references are as 


Most writers state that Mendoza was exceedingly 
displeased at Alarcon's want of success, though it is 
not easy to understand in what respect he failed to 
carry out the spirit of his instructions. Torquemada 
affirms that one cause of Mendoza's dissatisfaction was 
that fuller reports of the voyage were sent to the king 
than to himself, and that Alarcon claimed the honor 
that was due to the viceroy. He says further that 
Alarcon retired in great disgrace and sorrow to Cuer- 
navaca, where he fell sick and died. But the current 
statements on this subject are doubtless erroneous, for 
there are extant, and bearing date of May 31, 1541, 
instructions 33 - from Mendoza to Alarcon for a second 
voyage and a new attempt to communicate with Cor- 
onado and with Melchor Diaz, whose departure from 
San Geronhno was already known. In the document 34 
Alarcon is spoken of as the discoverer of the Buena 
Guia, of which river he is ordered to make further 
explorations, as also of an estero said to exist at the 
head of the gulf. 35 Another proposed voyage is men- 
tioned, probably to be directed up the outer or Pacific 
coast, under Ziiniga, with whom Alarcon was to com- 
municate if possible. From another document 33 we 

follows: Torquemada, i. 608-9; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 235-6; Vene- 
gas, Not. Cat, i. 170-1; Salmeron, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii. torn. iv. 0; 
Ptirchas, His Pilgrimes, v. 856-7; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 129; Cortes, Hist., 325; 
Florida, Col. Doc, i. 1-6; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iv. 318; Calle, Not. Sac, 
108; Oalvano, in Voy. Select., 46; Sut'd y Mex., Viaje, xxviii.; Gallatin, in 
N. A. Voy., exxxi. 255-8; Cam argo, in Id., xcix. 187-8; Whipple *s Report, 
112-13; Si?npson , s Coronado's March, 315-16; Burnetts Chron. Jlist., i. 211- 
16; Browne's L. CaL, 16-17; Greenhow , s Mem., 29; Id., Or. and Cat., 58-9; 
BarllelCs Pers. Nar., ii. 168-82; March y Labores, Marina Espan., ii. 222-7; 
Montanus, N. Weereld, 210; Meline's Two Thousand Miles, 138; Taylor, in 
Cal. Farmer, Feb. 21, 28, April 4, 18, 1802; Fiudlay's Directory, i.; Frignet, 
La Cal., 7; Poussin, V Oregon, 235; Gleeson's Hist. Oath. Ch., i. 66-70; Ives' 
Col. Riv., 19; Laet, Novvs Orhis, 305-6; Marchand, Voy., i. viii.; Mojra*, 
Explor., i. 95; Millhausen, Reisen, i. 113; Id., Tagebuch, 405-8; Murray's 
Hist. Trav., ii. 73-8; Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. 199. 

? ' z Florida, Col. Doc, i. 1-6. 

31 Taylor, Browne's L. Cal., 16-17, seems to have noticed this document, 
but becomes very much confused in its use, applying it to the first voyage 
which he represents as having begun May 31, 1541. 

yo This is doubtless the Brazo de Miraflores laid down on Castillo's map 
though not mentioned in Alarcon's narrative. It perhaps corresponds with 
the slough extending northward from the Port Isabel of modern maps. 

36 Visita a Mendoza in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 110. 


learn that three vessels were made ready for this sec- 
ond voyage, which was prevented by the breaking-out 
of the Guadalajara revolt, of which more elsewhere, 
and during which Alarcon was stationed with thirty 
men at Autlan. 

As we have seen, Niza's reports broke off all friendly 
relations between Mendoza and Cortes. The latter 
sent out Ulloa against the viceroy's wishes. He pro- 
tested against the fitting-out of the expeditions under 
Coronado and Alarcon, and prepared a new fleet after 
Ulloa's return. He struggled hard to maintain his 
prestige and authority as captain-general, and called 
upon the emperor to prevent Mendoza's interference 
with his plans. 37 His efforts proving fruitless he de- 
termined to go in person to lay his grievances before 
the throne. He started early in 1540, and spent three 
of his remaining seven years of life in vain efforts to 
obtain redress. Formal courtesy at first, followed by 
cold neglect, was all the satisfaction he received at 
court. Great injustice had been done him in the New 
World, and the emperor was basely ungrateful; yet 
in his last quarrel Cortes had an opponent in Mendoza, 
against whom his oft-repeated and frivolous charges 
are to be regarded for the most part as the ravings 
of a soured and disappointed old man. 38 

Before Cortes went to Spain a new rival to both 
captain-general and the viceroy had entered the field 
of South Sea conquest in the person of Pedro de Alva- 
rado. His operations in the south and in Jalisco, 
with his licenses and plans, have been noted in suffi- 
cient detail elsewhere. 39 In 1539 he made ready in 

37 In 1530 Cortes sent commissioners to Spain with the statement that he 
had five vessels ready to continue Ulloa's explorations under his son D. Luis 
Cortes, and that lie Mas building four other vessels. He demanded that Men- 
doza's expedition be prevented by royal order. Cortes, Eseritos, 290-9; Pa- 
checo and Cardenas, Col. ]Jo<\, lev. 317. 

' M Cortes, Mem. al Emp., in CorUs, Eseritos, 299-309; Id., 319-21; Cortes, 
Petition contra M> ndoza, in Icazbatceta, Col. Doe., ii. 02-73; PreseotVs Hist, 
Conq. Mex., iii. 338-4.1; Venegas, Not. Cat., i. 104-7. See also Hist. 2Iex. t 
ii. 474 ct seq., this series. 

39 See HUt. Cent. Am., ii. and Hist. Mex., ii. this series. 


the Guatemalan ports a fleet of a dozen vessels, the 
largest and most costly yet seen in the Pacific, and 
brought it with a large force of men to the Colima 
coast in 1540. Whatever his intentions at first, after 
Niza's reports he resolved to direct his course to the 
north. Mendoza instead of quarrelling with Alvarado 
opened negotiations with him, which resulted in an 
agreement signed in November 1540, for a joint prose- 
cution of northern discovery and conquest. Mendoza 
became owner of one half the fleet; Alvarado received 
one fifth of all profits and advantages accruing from 
the viceroy's expeditions under Coronado and Alarcon, 
while for twenty years expenses and profits were to be 
equally shared. 40 Don Pedro returned to the coast to 
superintend preparations for departure; but in the 
early summer of 1541, in response to an urgent appeal 
for aid from Acting-governor Ohate, he landed his 
men and marched inland. He lost his life during the 
campaign, and his men after doing garrison duty in 
Jalisco during the war were disbanded and scattered. 
The death of Alvarado's wife without heirs left the 
entire fleet in Mendoza's possession. 

The Mixton war, in which Alvarado lost his life as 
just mentioned, raging from 1540 to 1542 during Coro- 
nado's absence in the far north, was the most formid- 
able and wide-spread struggle for liberty ever made 
by the native races in any part of Mexico. The Jal- 
isco tribes killed their encomenderos, abandoned their 
towns, and took refuge on fortified peholes, or clifts, 
believed to be impregnable. At the end of 1540 Gua- 
dalajara, already moved to the Tacotlan Valley, was 
the only place north of the river and east of the sierra 
still held by the Spaniards. Strong forces of soldiers 
under different leaders were repeatedly repulsed by the 
native warriors. Alvarado marched rashly inland only 

40 Alvarado and Mendoza, Asiento y Capitulaciones. Signed in Michoacan 
November 29, 1540. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, iii. 351-G2; xvi. 
342-55; Mendoza, lnstruc. d Ayuilar. 


to be defeated and killed. Mendoza was alarmed for 
the safety not only of New Galicia but of all New 
Spain, and he marched north at the head of a large 
army. In a short but vigorous campaign he captured 
the penoles one by one, by siege, by assault, by strata- 
gem, or through the treachery of the defenders, end- 
ing with Mixton, the strongest of all, and returned 
southward in 1542. Thousands of natives had been 
killed in battle; thousands cast themselves from the 
cliffs and perished; thousands were enslaved. Many 
escaped to the sierras of Nayarit and Zacatecas; but 
the spirit of rebellion was broken forever. 41 

There is little more to be said of New Galicia that 
concerns my present subject. The province was now 
explored and conquered, though there were occasional 
revolts on the northern frontier. The audiencia was 
established in 1548, and was moved with the capital 
about 1561 to Guadalajara, a town transferred to its 
modern site in consequence of the Mixton war. The 
president of the audiencia was governor of the prov- 
ince, extending, after the separation of Nueva Vizcaya, 
to the northern lines of the modern Jalisco and Zaca- 
tecas; and the jurisdiction of the body in judicial 
matters extended over the whole north. So did the 
bishopric founded in 1544, the see being with the 
capital transferred from Compostela to Guadalajara. 
The Franciscans had accompanied the conquerors in 
all their movements; and while they founded no 
missions of the regular type of more northern regions, 
they were actively engaged in the work of conversion 
before 1600, as were members of other orders to a 
slight extent. Agriculture made some progress, and 
stock-raising much more. Many new towns were 
built. Rich mines were worked, especially in Zaca- 
tecas, where the town of that name was founded in 
1 548, and in favor of which region during the first 
excitement the rest of the province was well nigh 

41 For details of the "Mixton war and subsequent Nueva Galician annals 
see Hist. Mex., ii. chap. xxiv. this series. 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 7 


depopulated; and again before the end of the century 
the southern Zacatecas mines were nearly, though 
temporarily, abandoned for the northern about Nom- 
bre de Dios, some of the explorers penetrating much 
farther north. Besides soldiers in active service, and 
miners in Zacatecas at certain times, it is not likely 
that there were more than five hundred Spaniards in 
New Galicia before 1600. 



Zacatecas Mines — Mercado's Silver, Mountain — Ibarra's Private Ex- 
plorations — Mekdoza and the Franciscans — Ibarra as Governor — 
Province of Nueva Vizcaya — Expedition — At San Juan — Founding 
of nombre de dlos and durango — to copala or topia — grand 
Reports — Inde and Santa Barbara Mines — March to Sinaloa — 
Villa of San Juan — Tour in the Far North — City of Pagme — San 
Sebastian de Chametla — Death of Ibarra — Progress in Durango — 
List of Governors — Annals of Sinaloa — Murder of Friars — Villa 
Abandoned — Montoya's Expedition — Bazan's Entrada — San Felipe 
de Sinaloa — Franciscan Convents — Four Martyrs — Arleguls 
Chronicle— Jesuit Annals— In Sinaloa — The An uas— Martyrdom 
of Father Tapia — In Topia — Tepehuane Missions — Santa Maria de 
Parras— Exploration and Conquest of New Mexico. 

After the Mixton war the wild tribes of the 
frontier, corresponding to the northern parts of the 
modern state of Zacatecas, continued their hostilities 
to some extent until their subjugation by peaceful 
means was authorized by viceroy and king. After 
several minor efforts by Ohate and others, Juan de 
Tolosa with a few Spaniards, friars, and natives 
reached the Bufa mountain in 1546, and soon succeeded 
in pacifying and converting the savage inhabitants, 
who in return revealed the existence of rich silver 
lodes. Tolosa was joined in 1548 by Ohate, Baiiue- 
los, and Diego de Ibarra; the rich mines of San 
Bernabe, San Benito, Panuco, and others were dis- 
covered and worked. The town of Zacatecas was 
founded, and a mining rush to this region well nigh 
depopulated other parts of New Galicia. In 1552 

(99 J 


Gines Vazquez de Mercado marched into the regions 
to the north, but was defeated and wounded in a 
battle near Sombrerete, after which for a time no 
entradas were authorized by the government. Two 
years after Mercado's failure, however, Francisco de 
Ibarra began a series of exploring and prospecting 
tours by which in eight years he brought to light the 
mineral deposits of Fresnillo, San Martin, Sombrerete, 
Nieves, and many others up to and beyond the line 
of the modern Zacatecas. So rich were these mines 
and so liberal the policy of Ibarra and his associates 
that before the end of the century the southern dis- 
tricts in their turn were nearly abandoned for a time. 1 
Mercado's entry in 1552 had been in search of a 
mountain of silver, which he did not find. The 
foundation of the reports which attracted him was 
not improbably the famous iron mountain still bearing 
the fortune-hunter's name near the city of Durango." 2 
The annals of the region beyond the line of the modern 
Durango begin with Ibarra's explorations of 1554-62, 
which covered a broad territory and brought to light 
many mines, but which, being private enterprises, 
are not recorded so far as details are concerned. It 
does not appear that these private explorations, how- 
ever, extended beyond the limits of what is now 

In one of Ibarra's earliest tours he was accompanied 
by the Franciscan Geronimo de Mendoza, who from 
the mining camp of San Martin went on with one sol- 
dier into unexplored territory, and began missionary 
work on the Rio Suchil, meeting with much success, 
and soon calling upon his provincial for assistance. In 

1 For further particulars on Zacatecas annals down to 1G00 see Hist. Mex., 
ii., this series. 

^On this mountain — a mass of magnetic iron ore 900 by 1,900 varas and 
686 varas high, containing 460,000 tons of metal assaying 20 or 75 per cent of 
pure iron — see Ferreriade Durango, in D ice. Univ.,\\. 384-40; Mota-PwH/Ui, 
Hist. iV. Gal., 203; Beaumont, i'roii. Mich., v. 231-2; Weidner in Soc. Mex. 
Geog., Bo/., vi. GO; Escudero, Not. Dur., 8-9; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 127-9; 
Museo Mex.. i. 28-34. 



1556 Mendoza was joined by three friars, Pedro de 
Espinareda, Diego de la Cadena, and Jacinto de San 
Francisco, with a young donado, or assistant, named 
Lucas. About the same time Mendoza departed for 
Spain. Meanwhile, or a little later, there were troubles 
with the natives, but Ibarra came to the rescue, pre- 


del Mezquital 

4M«^|JKJ^ " . 2A C A TECAS 


Ntteva Vizcaya, 1600. 

venting an abandonment of the work, and not only 
pacifying the Indians but collecting many of them into 
a mission community. The site was fixed after one or 
two transfers, and a church built where Nombre de 
Dies now stands; indeed the establishment was proba- 
bly known as San Francisco del Nombre de Dios even 
at this early date. A few Spanish settlers seem to 


have gathered here, and there are indications even 
of some irregular steps by Martin Perez, the alcalde of 
Zacatecas, toward the founding of a town. 3 It appears 
also that Father Cadena and Lucas, before 1562, ex- 
tended their missionary labors northward to the Gua- 
diana Valley, where Durango was founded later, still 
working in connection with Ibarra's mining explora- 
tions. 4 

About 1561 Francisco de Ibarra, by reason of his 
past services, and by the influence of his uncle Don 
Diego of Zacatecas, who had married the viceroy's 
daughter, was commissioned as governor and captain- 
general to conquer and rule the northern regions not 
yet subjected to Spanish dominion. A reported 
wealthy province of Copala was the particular object 
of the viceroy's project, which he had entertained for 
some years, but had hitherto found no opportunity of 
carrying out. But soon the name of Nueva Vizcaya. 
or New Biscay, was applied by Ibarra in honor of his 
native province in Spain. The original commission 
and other documents are not extant so far as I know ; 
therefore exact dates, names, and boundaries cannot 
be given. The line of Nueva Vizcaya, however, was 
practically that which now separates Jalisco and Zaca- 
tecas from Sinaloa and Durango. It was probably 
intended to confine the new province to territory east 
of the main sierra; but Ibarra was able to extend his 
authority over the coast provinces as well, on the 

3 1533 is given by some as the date of Mendoza's arrival at Ojo de Berros, 
but there is no reason to doubt that he came with the party that discovered 
»San Martin, that the discoverer was Ibarra, or that his operations began in 
1554. Ibarra, Relation, 4-64; Durango, Doc. Hid., MS., 97-103; Morfi, Diario, 
340-1; Arlegui, Crdn. Zac, 30-40; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 503-4; Torque- 
mada, iii. 344. Father Mendoza was a native of Vitoria, Alava, Spain, and 
a nephew of the viceroy of the same name. He came with his uncle to Mexico, 
and was captain of the viceregal guard before he became a Franciscan. He 
came north in 1553, being sent to use his influence in quelling disturbances 
among the Zacatecas miners. He died at Madrid. Ramirez, Not. Hint., 10-11; 
Arlegui, Crdn. Zac, 22, 257-G4. ■ 

4 Arlegui, Cron. Zac, 35, says Cadena founded a town there which attracted 
many Spaniards; though on p. 58 he credits the founding to Juan de Tolosa. 
There is a tendency on the part of missionary chroniclers to claim everything 
for their order; and among most authorities in the early annals of these 
regions there is hopeless confusion of dates. » 


ground that they were for the most part unoccupied, 
and not provided with Christian instructors. 5 

The governor fitted out his expedition at Zacatecas 
and the San Martin mines, enlisting about one hun- 
dred Spaniards besides many native auxilaries. 6 Mar- 
tin Gamon, an intimate friend of the governor, joined 
the army with twelve trusted comrades and was made 
maestre de campo. 7 Four Franciscans, Fray Pablo 
Acebedo, Brother Juan Herrera, and two whose 
names are not known, accompanied the force, which 
in June 1562 arrived in the San Juan Valley, appar- 
ently the site of the later San Juan del Rio, which 
was for a long time a kind of head-quarters. Here 
some of the men became mutinous and deserted; and 
Gamon for insubordination and insolence w r as sen- 
tenced to death. The sentence being approved by 
the viceroy, the maestre de campo, who had escaped 
to San Martin, was brought back and executed. The 
rest of the year was passed in camp at San Juan, and 
in various minor explorations not recorded. Here the 
force was considerably increased by recruits from the 
different mining camps. 

In 1563 was formally founded the town of Durango, 
in the Guadiana Valley, near where Father Cadena, 
as already related, had formed a settlement of natives 
called apparently San Juan Bautista de Analco. 
Alonso Pacheco was sent from San Juan in the 

6 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 525 et seq.; Mola-Padilla, Hist. N. Gal, 107. 
Before this Alonso de Zurita, Memorial, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 333; Id., 
intnxl., xlvi.-vii., had asked the king to give him authority to form a new 
province in the north. Ibarra himself, Relation, 468, says he was made gov- 
ernor of ' toda la tierra adcntro de las minas de San Martin en adelante. ' 
Beaumont, 'gobernador de la gran laguna deCopala en la tierra adentro, entre 
donde sale el sol y el norte, y que no so arrimase al norte y ponicnte (que era 
dc Tzibola que Coronado anduvo) y que asimismo no fucse hacia el sur ni a 
la mar dc 61 que era Chiametla, Topia, y Tzinaloa.' He was to use force only 
after exhausting mild means. Galeriade Vireyes, 214-15. 

G Expedition de la Nueva Vizccu/a, 1503, IMS., 13, is an account in Aztec, 
with Spanish translation by Prof. Galicia, of the part taken in the expedition 
by the Aztec auxiliaries. 

7 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 467 et seq., represents Gamon as having been 
the first to plan the enterprise. Modi, Uiario, 354, tells us that the 12 under 
Gamon were famous as criminals, and that a place in Durango bears Gamon 's 


spring 8 with live-stock, seed, implements, and authority 
to distribute lands to settlers; and in July Ibarra 
came to organize a municipal government. He called 
the town Durango in memory of the Basque city; 
but for a century it was better known as Guadiana. 
It was intended as the capital of New Biscay, and to 
the task of promoting its prosperity the governor 
devoted much attention. To this end he not only 
pursued a most liberal policy in other respects, but 
having opened rich mines in the A vino district, he 
threw them open to all who wished to work, on the 
sole condition that they were to build houses and 
remain in the country. Bartolome Arriola was left 
at the capital as lieuteuant-governor, and was suc- 
ceeded in 1565 by Martin Lopez de Ibarra. There 
were at first thirteen vecinos. 9 

It was also in 1563 that the villa of Nombre de 
Dios was formally founded and its municipal govern- 
ment organized by Governor Ibarra. 10 But it will be 
remembered that this was not the actual beginning 
of the settlement, and that there may have been an 
alcalde appointed before. 11 At any rate the alcalde 
mayor of San Martin soon claimed jurisdiction over 
the citizens of the new villa who disputed his author- 
ity. Oidor Orozco, being in Zacatecas, took upon 
himself the defence of the jurisdiction of his audiencia 
of New Galicia, while Ibarra, called back in haste from 

8 April 14th is given as the date of foundation in Dos Republlcas, Feb. 8, 

9 Some particulars in Ramirez, Not. Hist., 17-19; LI., Hist. Dur., 12. See 
also Ibarra, Relation, 472-4:; Beaumont, v. 531-8; Durango, Dor. Hist., MS., 
6-7; Frcjes, Hist. Breve, 219-21; Escudero, Not. Dur., 7-11; Herrera, dec. 
viii. lib. x. cap. xxiv. ; Laet, Novvs Orbis., 289-90. Arlegui, Crdn. Zac, 58, 
names Tolosa as the founder; and others writers give various dates from 1551 
to 1563. 

10 Ibarra, Relation, 468-9; cabildo records as cited in Durango, Doc. Hist., 
MS., 83-104; Oct. 6, 1563, viceroy's decree authorizing the foundation. Id.; 
Nombre de Dios, Description de la villa, 1G0S, 331, 338; the alcalde seems to 
have been Alonso Garcia, one of the earlier settlers. 

11 Mota-Padilla, Hist. N. Gal., 107, says the town was founded in 1562 by 
Diego de Colio, alcalde of San Martin. Others say that Martin Perez, alcalde 
of Zacatecas, was the founder in about 1558, and that Colio was alcalde of 
Nombre de Dios. But it appears that Colio (Celio or Celis) was alcalde of 
San Martin, and the one whose claim made the trouble. See Frejes, Hist. 
Breve, 129-31; Escudero, Not. Dur., 9-10; Beaumont, v. 501-8. 


his explorations, insisted that the villa belonged to his 
province. Open warfare was at one time imminent, 
but was prevented by the influence of Diego de Ibarra, 
and the matter in dispute was referred to the viceroy 
of Mexico. He settled it by ruling the disputed ter- 
ritory himself until about 1611, when by royal order 
Nombre de Dios was restored to Nueva Yizcaya. 12 

Before founding the two towns as just recorded, 
Ibarra marched with all his force from the San Juan 
fortified camp in March 15G3, bent on the conquest 
of Copala, 13 Topiame, or Topia, in the mountains 
north-westward. On reaching the San Jose Valley, 
some thirty leagues distant, it was suspected that the 
natives were plotting to lead the Spaniards, by tales 
of great cities, to destruction in the labyrinth of 
sierras. Martin de Renteria w T as sent in advance to 
explore, and returned in six days reporting a bad 
country with no settlements for thirty leagues. Ac- 
cordingly the army turned back, discovering on the 
way rich mines in the valleys called Santa Maria u 
and San Geronimo. At the latter place a native 
woman offered to guide the Spaniards to Topiame, 
and Ibarra with thirty or forty men followed her, 
sending the rest of the army back to San Juan. He 
marched rapidly for eight days from April 15th to a 
place eight leagues beyond Renteria's limit. Here 
from the summit of a lofty range they looked down 
upon a large settlement of people, clothed like the 
Mexicans, and living in flat-roofed houses of several 
stories. They did not enter the town, but at night 
approached so near as to hear the beating of Aztec 
teponastlis. They understood from the guide that 

™Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 84-7; Beaumont, v. 559-GO; Frejes, 217-19. 
In 1599 a transfer of the town to the Santiago mines was authorized. 

13 This name is used by Beaumont and others; but I think that its appli- 
cation to Topia is doubtful. It is probable that Copala was a province vaguely- 
reported to exist in the far north and which furnished one of the chief motives 
for the general movement at first; but that the report of Topiame" was a dis- 
tinct and later one heard by Ibarra, and which led to this special expedition. 
Of Copala and its lake we shall hear much later. 

11 Written Sant Matia, perhaps San Matias. 


there were many other such towns; and they marched 
back to San Juan at the beginning of May, enthusi- 
astic in the belief that they had discovered a new 
Mexico. 15 

At least such was the report sent to viceroy and 
king. It is difficult, however, to see in this report 
anything but intentional exaggeration with a view to 
reward for past services and aid for new explorations. 
Topia was a region on the head waters of the Tama- 
zula River, where there is still a town of the name. 
It will be remembered that Coronado had heard won- 
derful reports about a province of Topira, or Topiza, 
in 1540, which was probably the same. The people 
of that region were intelligent, and like other tribes 
of Nueva Vizcaya practised agriculture to some ex- 
tent; but there was never any foundation for the 
wealth or civilization of the first reports. 

From his camp at San Juan Ibarra next sent Cap- 
tain Kodrigo del Rio with men and supplies to settle 
the mines of Inde, 16 where a town of the same name 
still stands; and a little later, but still apparently in 
15G3, the same officer was despatched to settle the 
mines of San Juan and Santa Barbara some twenty 
leagues to the north, in the region of the modern 
Parral, Allende, and Jimenez, or southern Chihuahua 
on the Rio Florido, also called in these earliest years 
San Bartolome Valley. This was the limit of Spanish 
occupation in Ibarra's time. The mines were very 
productive, and soon attracted quite a large popula- 

15 Velasco, Relation de lo que descubrid Diego {Francisco) de Ibarra en la 
provincia de Copala Uamnda TopiamS; describiendo muy por menor su viaje y 
descubrimiento, etc. In Pwheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 533-61. This 
account is a letter of Viceroy Velasco to the king, of May 26th, to which are 
added an unsigned narrative giving more details, a short note of Francisco 
Ibarra from San Juan May 3d, and a note of Diego Ibarra to the viceroy from 
San Martin May 9th. In his Relation, 476-7, written after a second visit, 
though written with a view to set forth his great services to the king, Ibarra 
says nothing about the grandeur of the settlement or civilization of its people. 
Beaumont, v. 531, erroneously puts this first visit to Topia in 1562, and says 
Ibarra went on to Sinaloa at this time. He also states that in Topia he found 
on a fig-tree an inscription: 'This pueblo belongs to Diego Guevara.' Arlegui, 
Crdn. Zac, 35-7, 65-6, 222-5, makes the first entry in 1555-9, crediting 
everything as is his custom to the friars. 

x « Written also Ende, Endec, and Indehe. 


tion. Some writers erroneously credit Ibarra with 
having penetrated to the region of the modern city 
of Chihuahua, and some give too early a date for the 
occupation of San Bartolome. 17 At San Juan during 
the winter the Indians became troublesome, killing 
over four hundred horses and mules, and obli<2fingr- the 
governor not only to send to the south for more live- 
stock, arms, and ammunition, but to build a new fort. 

In the spring of 1564 Ibarra marched again into the 
mountains of Topia, finding nothing apparently of the 
wonders before reported, but pacifying the natives, 
establishing a garrison, and probably opening some of 
the mines discovered in the previous trip. At any 
rate the mining camps of San Andres and San Hipo- 
lito soon became somewhat flourishing in this region. 
Instead, however, of returning to San Juan in Du- 
rango, Ibarra continued his march across the sierra 
until he reached the Rio Suaqui, or Sinaloa, now the 
Fuerte. Of the coast provinces above Jalisco for the 
past twenty years and more, since Coronado's return 
in 1542, we know nothing except that the little town 
of San Miguel had managed to maintain its precarious 
existence, being the only Spanish settlement in all that 
region, 18 and that outside of Culiacan the natives were 
independent and hostile. The results of Guzman's 
conquest had been well nigh obliterated, except the 
memory of his outrages. 

The state of things enabled Ibarra to extend his 
authority as governor of Nueva Vizcaya over the 
coast provinces, and on reaching the Suaqui River he 

17 Ibarra, Relation. He calls the mines Santa Barbola, or at least the 
printer does. See Herrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxiv. ; Cavo, Tres Si'jlos, i. 
104; Escudero, Not. Chih., 88; Conde, in Soc. Hex. Geoy., Bol, v. 272. Ar- 
legui, Crdn. Zac, 37-8, talks of the occupation of San Bartolome" Valley by 
friars in 1559-63. Ibarra left garrisons in many forts in Chilmahua before he 
went to Sinaloa. Monumantos Domin. Esp., MS., no. 2, p. 243; Frejes, Hist. 
Breve, 217, 210. 

18 Herrera, however, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. xvi., speaks of a Christian pneblo 
on the Omitlan River as resisting the savages with the aid of a few Spaniards 
in 1550. Chamctla may not have been abandoned all the time. Mota-Padilla, 
J I ist. X. (la!., 112-13, mentions outrages committed on the natives far north 
of San Miguel between 1540 and 1550, but his meaning is not clear. 


proceeded to found there a town named San Juan de 
Sinaloa, or San Juan Bautista de Carapoa as Ribas 
calls it. Pedro" Ochoa de Garraga or Estevan Mar- 
tin Bohorques was put in command; Hernando de 
Pedroza was made curate; and before the governors 
final departure two Franciscans were left to labor 
among the adjoining tribes. Antonio de Betanzos, 
the maestre de campo, was sent to San Miguel 
where he obtained supplies for the new settlement 
from Pedro de Tobar, whose relations with Ibarra 
seem to have been most friendly. 19 

After the founding of San Juan, and perhaps after 
a trip down to Chametla, 20 Ibarra made a tour of ex- 
ploration to the far north, of which in detail little can 
be known. The governor himself says he " went 
three hundred leagues from Chametla, in which entrada 
he found large settlements of natives clothed and well 
provided with maize and other things for their sup- 
port; and there were many fertile tracts fit for wheat, 
corn, and other grains, parts of which might be con- 

19 The town is called San Juan de Sinaloa in Ibarra, Relation, 481; Beau- 
mont, Cron. Mich., v. 533 et seq. ; Hcrrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxiv. ; and 
Mexico, informe, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xv. 400-1. This name 
probably means simply San Juan in Sinaloa, or the Sinaloa San Juan, as dis- 
tinguished from the camp in Durango. The proper name was probably San 
Juan Bautista de Carapoa, as it is called in Sinaloa, Doc. Hist., MS., 10; Id., 
Mem. Hist., MS., 12-13; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 238; Ribas, Hist,. Tri- 
umphos, 28; and Albieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 05-70. Alegre and the Sinaloa 
Doc. say that the town was on the south bank of the Suaqui on a fine penin- 
sula between that river and the Ocoroni flowing into it. This is not very 
intelligible, and applies better to the Bio de Sinaloa farther south; but there 
seems to be no doubt that the town was on the Fuerte. Albieuri calls it the 
Sinaloa, but that name was also applied in early times to the northern stream. 
The commander is also called Larraga. See, also, Buelna, Compcndio. 1 1-12; 
Dice. Univ., x. 401. Many writers date this settlement from 1554 to 1550, 
but this simply means that it was made by Ibarra, who began his northern 
operations in 1554. See Mendieta, Hist. Deles., 759-00; Morelli, Fasti Nov. 
Orb., 25; Ogilby's Amer., 285-8; Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., no. 2, p. 243. 

20 Both Ibarra and Beaumont say that he went to Chametla, and founded 
a villa there before his northern exploration ; but from Ibarra's language — ■ 
'fue a la provincia de Chiatmela, que es por la banda del, Norte (from San 
Juan) en la cual poblo la villa de San Sebastian, donde se proveyd de cierta 
cantidad de soldados y de bastimentos, y otras cosas necesarias, para entrar la 
tierra adentro en demanda de nuevas tierras,' etc. — and from Herrera's state- 
ment that from Sinaloa he went north, founded San Sebastian, and then con- 
tinued his march northward, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxiv., I think there is an 
error. To go so far south in order to undertake a trip to the far north would 
be a strange proceeding. See note 24 this chapter. 


veniently irrigated from the rivers; and they also had 
many houses of several stories. But because it was 
so far from New Spain and Spanish settlements, and 
because the governor had not people enough for set- 
tlement, and the natives were hostile, using poisoned 
arrows, he was obliged to return" after many fights 
and dangers. And in retreating he was obliged to 
cross a mountain range of thirty-five leagues, with 
great rivers, where they were near starvation, living 
on herbs and horse-meat for more than forty days. 21 
Beaumont, deriving his information from unknown 
sources, adds that Ibarra was accompanied by fifty 
soldiers, by Pedro de Tobar, and by Father Acebedo 
and others friars. His course was to the right of 
that followed by Coronado, and nearer New Mexico. 
He reached some great plains adjoining those of the 
Vacas — the buffalo plains — and there found an aban- 
doned pueblo, whose houses were of several stories, 
which was called Paguemi, and where there were 
traces of metals having been smelted. A few days 
later, as this writer seems to say, Ibarra reached the 
great city of Pagme, "a most beautiful city, adorned 
with very sumptuous edifices, extending over three 
leagues, with houses of three stories, very grand, with 
various and extensive plazas, and the houses sur- 
rounded by walls that appeared to be of masonry." 
This town was also abandoned, and the people were 
said to have gone eastward. 22 

This expedition may have been made in 1564, but 
more probably in 1565, as no definite date is given. 
It is difficult to determine what reliance should be 
placed on Beaumont's narrative; and there appear to 
be no grounds for more than the vaguest conjecture 
as to what region was thus explored by Ibarra. He 
may have visited some of the abandoned pueblos of 

21 Ibarra, Relation, 482-3. 

22 Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 5.38-41. Water was brought in a ditch from 
a high range. Here they found mill-stones, traces of smelting, and a copper 
plate. Perhaps the meaning of the author is that Pagme and Paguemi were 
the same town. 


the Gila Valley; or may have gone farther, as Beau- 
mont seems to think to the region of the Moqui 
towns; or perhaps he went more to the east and 
reached the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua. 

Soon after his return to Sinaloa, after making ar- 
rangements for the prosperity of the new town of 
San Juan/ 3 Ibarra marched southward to Chametla 
with the intention of adding that region to his do- 
main, of founding a town, and of discovering mines 
or perhaps taking advantage of earlier discoveries. 24 
These objects were accomplished after some hardships 
and troubles with the natives on the inarch down the 
coast. The new villa was named San Sebastian. Rich 
mines were developed, and two flourishing reales, or 
mining districts, were soon in existence. It appears 
that the settlement of this region had previously been 
intrusted to Doctor Morones of the audiencia, but 
of his death, or perhaps too long delay in beginning 
operations, Ibarra took advantage to extend his au- 
thority over Chametla. In all parts of the province 
from Jalisco up to San Miguel he made many changes 
in the old encomiendas with a view to reward his 
friends. 25 

The occupation of Chametla may be supposed to 
have been in the year 1565. From this time we have 
nothing definite respecting the life of Governor Ibarra, 
which seems to have been spent mainly at San Sebas- 

23 Beaumont says he began the building of ships there with a view to 
further explorations by sea; but was diverted from that purpose by a letter 
from his uncle Diego, urging him to search for mines, since 'todo lo demas era 
cartas andadas.' He sought unsuccessfully for mines in the north and then 
went south. 

24 1 have explained, note 20, that Beaumont, with some support from Ibarra, 
represents the founding of the town as a separate affair preceding the north- 
ern expedition, the present enterprise being with a sole view to the mines. 
This seems an unlikely version, and Ibarra, Relation, 483, says distinctly that 
he went now to take possession of the region, pacify the natives, and found 
the villa, alluding to the mines as discovered incidentally as a result of these 

23 Alonso de Parra, and his sons and nephews, are said to have been prom- 
inent vecinos of San Sebastian. A few details of changes in encomiendias 
are given. Beaumont, Crdn. Midi., v. 531, 537-8; Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 
60-1; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 219-21; Escudero, Not. Du>\, 7-11. Alegre, Hist. 
Comp. Jesus, i. 238, says that Ibarra by forced marches got ahead of Morones. 


tian. In his exploring enterprises he had spent all 
his wealth, over 400,000 pesos as he claimed; and 
worse still his health had been wrecked by exposure. 
At an unknown date he wrote or caused to be written 
the memorial of his services which I have so often 
cited, in which the king was informed of his great sac- 
rifices in behalf of the royal cause, in the hope of due 
recompense; 26 but it led to no results so far as can be 
known. The governor seems to have revisited Du- 
rango, probably more than once; 27 and he died appar- 
ently about 1575. He was not only an able and am- 
bitious conquistador, but withal an honorable, liberal, 
and popular man. 23 

From the death of Governor Ibarra, or rather from 
the end of his active explorations in 1565, to the end 
of the century, the annals of Nueva Vizcaya are 
meagre. East of the mountains the natives gave but 
little trouble, and the records of missionary progress 
will be presented separately. The two villas of 
Durango and Nombre de Dios had in 1569 each 
about thirty vecinos, representing perhaps a popula- 
tion of three hundred; 29 and it is not probable that 

26 Ibarra, Relation delos descubrimientos conquistas y poblaciones Itechas por 
el gobernador Francisco de Ybarra en las provincias de Copala, Nueva Vizcaya 
y Chiatmela. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiv. 463-84; Durango, 
Doc. HUt., MS., 1-14; and translation in Ttrnaux-Compans, Voy., serie i. 
torn. x. 367-99. 

27 He was at Nombre de Dios in June 1569. Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 
85-6. Also probably in 1565 in connection with the quarrel about jurisdic- 

28 Died in Chametla soon after 1572. Datos Biogrdficos, in Cartas de Indicts, 
779-80. Beaument erroneously says he died in 1564, and adds that his body 
was transferred later to Durango. He left a large estate encumbered with 
larger debts. The nearest indication of the date of his death is the appoint- 
ment of his successor in 1576. Ibarra was a native of Vizcaya, a nephew of 
Diego de Ibarra the wealthy mine-owner of Zacatecas who married the vice- 
roy's daughter, and a knight of Santiago. Beaumont, Crdn. Mich. , v. 560-4; 
A/bieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 63-5; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 221. 'Hombre virtuoso 
y bastante' says Viceroy Velasco. Rdacion, 553. 

29 Guadalajara, Informe del Cabildo cd Bey, 1569, 492. In Durango, 
Doc. Hist., MS., 30-1, is a record in Aztec and Spanish of a meeting in 1585 
of Aztec and other settlers of Durango to deliberate on the best way of dis- 
tributing their labors, etc. In 1595, a suit arose between citizens and the 
curate of Durango, in consequence of a lady of high social position not hav- 
ing been buried near enough to the altar. Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 12-13. 


there was a large increase before 1G00. During this 
period, as we shall see, a villa was founded at Saltillo 
and also a settlement of Spaniards and Tlascaltecs in 
connection with the mission at Parras, both in Nueva 
Vizcaya in the region later called Coahuila; besides 
the town of Leon, or Monterey, in Nuevo Leon 
beyond the limits of Nueva Vizcaya. 30 There were a 
few large stock-ranchos in different parts of the 
country, the mining camps affording an excellent 
market for cattle and agricultural products. 31 The 
leading feature of the whole region was its mines 
of silver, successfully worked at many points from 
San Martin up to Santa Barbara; but unfortunately 
there are no details or statistics extant. 32 It does not 
appear that Spanish occupation was extended beyond 
the San Bartoloine valley of southern Chihuahua 
until after 1600 ; 33 though it is probable that pros- 
pecting tours covered the territory considerably 
further north; and, as we shall see, several expedi- 
tions traversed the whole length of the modern 
Chihuahua on the way to New Mexico. 

The licentiate Ibarra, a brother of Don Francisco, 
was appointed by the king to succeed the latter as 
governor of Nueva Vizcaya in 1576 ; 34 but he was 
soon succeeded, if indeed he ever assumed the office 

30 For annals of Nuevo Leon to 1600 see Hist. Ilex., ii., this series. 

31 In 1586 two haciendas belonging to Diego de Ibarra and Rodrigo del 
Rio branded over 33,000 and 42,000 head of stock respectively. Basalenque, 
Hist. Prov. S. Nicolas, 184; Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 14, 73; Id., Not. Hist. 
Dur., 21. 

32 In Miranda, Relation sobre la tierra y poblacion que hay desde las minas 
de San Martin, d las de Santa Barbara ano de 1575, are the following items 
of points along the way: Aviflo mines, 10 or 12 Spaniards; San Juan, friars 
and their Indians (Arlegui, Cron. Zac, 72-3, says a Franciscan convent 
was founded at San Juan del Rio — or transferred there from Peliol Blanco — 
in 1564); Valle de Palmitos, 3 estancias de labor on the Rio Nazas; Indehe", 
20 1. from Palmitos, 1 1. from Rio Nazas; mines rich and worked for 6 years 
but abandoned on account of the Indians; Villa de Vitoria on the Rio Florido, 
now abandoned (I find no other record of such a town); Santa Barbara mines, 
30 settlers, and 4 estancias in the mountains; Nombre de Dios, a Spanish 
settlement; San Buenaventura mines, 20 1. s. of Nombre de Dios; San Lucas, 
16 1. n. of Noinbre de Dios, a mining camp; Soneto mines, 7 1. N. w. of San 
Lucas, 50 Spaniards. 

33 According to Garcia Conde, Ensayo Est ad. Chih., 272, there were 7,000 
inhabitants at the Sta Barbara mines in 1600, probably a great exaggeration. 

^Enriquez, Carta alRey, in Curias de Indias, 325; Jbatos Bio<j., in Id., 780. 


at all, by Fernando de Trejo, who ruled until 1583. 
Then Fernando de Bazan became governor, his term 
being in 1584-5. Antonio de Monroy ruled from 
1586 to 1589; Rodrigo del Rio y Loza, one of Ibarra's 
captains from the first, from 1589 to 1590; and Diego 
Fernando de Velasco from 1596 or a little earlier. 35 

At San Juan, on the Rio Suaqui in Sinaloa, very 
soon, perhaps a year or two after Governor Ibarra's 
departure in 1564-6/* 3 the natives without any pre- 
vious indications of hostility killed the two friars 
Acebedo and Herrera and also fifteen Spaniards who 
visited some of their villages in search of maize, soon 
attacking and setting fire to the villa. The settlers 
defended themselves by hastily constructing a wooden 
fort, and sent to Culiacan for aid; but before succor 
arrived they were forced to abandon the place and 
retire southward to the Rio Petatlan. 37 Flere they 
seem not to have been molested for ten years or 
more; 33 until in 1583 Pedro de Montoya obtained 
from Governor Trejo authority to make a new en- 
trada. He marched from San Miguel with thirty 
men, accompanied by Pedroza, the former alcalde of 
San Juan. 39 As they advanced northward the natives 
fled ' at first, but soon returned and made peace. 
Montoya refounded the villa and named it San Felipe 
y Santiago de Carapoa. It was not on the original 
site, but apparently still on the Rio Suaqui. But 

35 Sinaloa, Mem. Hist, MS., 14-19; followed by Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 
238-9, 318. The date of Rio's accession in the MS. is given as 1585, doubt- 
less an error for 1589 or 1590. 

3G Arlegui, Crdn. Zac, 216-21, says it was in 1567, but his dates are all 

3: Sinaloa, Mem,. Hist., MS., 13 et seq.; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 238 
et seq.; and Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 28 et seq., are the best authorities on 
these and the following events. Some writers think that all the settlers ex- 
cept five retired to Culiacan; but this seems to have been later. 

38 In 1569, according to Guadalajara, Informe del Cabildo, 493, there 
were 12 or 13 vecinos at Sinaloa, but by reason of its remoteness and poverty 
the settlement was likely to be abandoned. 

39 Albieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 70-9, represents Montoya as having been sent 
by Ibarra, that is about 1566; and he gives some details of the massacre of 
this officer and his men at a banquet given by the treacherous Suaquid. 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 8 


soon the Suaquis, determined that no Spaniards should 
possess their country, and having succeeded in remov- 
ing all suspicions of their good faith, found an oppor- 
tunity to repeat their massacre of former years, killing 
Montoya and twelve of his men. Aid was sent from 
Culiacan as before, but Gaspar de Osorio, the officer 
in command, decided that the post must be abandoned, 

setting out on his march southward in August 1584. 
. . . 

At the Rio Petatlan on their retreat the fugitives 

met Juan Lopez de Quijada with twenty men and a 
commission as commandant of Sinaloa, from the new 
governor Bazan. Quijada brought news that the 
governor was coming in person, and orders that the 
province must not be abandoned. Accordingly the 
forces recrossed the river, reestablishing the Villa de 
San Felipe apparently on the north bank of the Peta- 
tlan. Bazan arrived in April 1585 with a hundred 
Spaniards and a small force of Indian allies. After a 
stay of two weeks at the villa he marched on into the 
enemy's country. From the old site of Carapoa, 
Gonzalo Martin was sent in advance with eighteen 
men to explore, but was drawn into an ambuscade 
and killed after a desperate conflict, only two of his 
men escaping to tell the story. The governor then 
advanced with the main force, harassed by the foe 
but unable to bring on a general battle. When he had 
passed through .the Suaqui country he came to the 
Bio Mayo, and found the natives most friendly and 
hospitable; but he made a most dishonorable and bar- 
barous return for the kindness of the Mayos, seizing 
and putting in chains those who came to his camp 
with supplies, on the pretended suspicion that they 
were accomplices of the Suaquis. It is said to have 
been for this outrage that he was removed from the 
governorship. Having accomplished nothing toward 
conquering or pacifying the northern tribes Bazan 
left the country, Melchor Tellez being made co- 
mandante at San Felipe on the Petatlan. 40 

40 Albieuri, Hist. 31is., MS., 79-8G, puts this, like former events, too early, 


Tellez was soon succeeded in the command by Pedro 
Tobar who soon abandoned San Felipe and went to 
Culiacan. The settlers for the most part followed his 
example, until only five remained at the villa. 41 At 
the petition of these men Bartolome Mondragon, one 
of the five, was appointed comandante of Sinaloa by 
Governor Monroy in 1589; and it is said that this 
little band not only held their ground but made some 
tours in the interior in search of mines. At the be- 
ginning of 1591 Antonio Ruiz went down to Chametla 
to meet the new governor, Rio y Loza, who became 
deeply interested in the northern province, and at once 
took steps to provide relief and especially to obtain 
missionaries for that field. Such additional details as 
are extant respecting Sinaloa -annals of the century 
may best be given in connection with mission work. 
I may add, however, that about 1596 a kind of presi- 
dio, consisting of an adobe fort guarded by twenty- 
five men under Lieutenant-colonel Alonso Diaz, was 
established at San Felipe by order of Viceroy Mon- 
terey; 42 also that a little later some Aztec and Tlafc- 
caltec settlers were introduced. Thus we see that in 
the latter part of the sixteenth century the territory 
of the modern Sinaloa consisted of three provinces: 
Chametla in the south, with its villa of San Sebastian 
where lived a dozen or fifteen vecinos too poor and 
few, generally, to work the rich mines with profit; Cu- 
liacan, represented by the Spanish villa of San Miguel 
with twenty-five settlers controlling some two tliou- 

making Bazan succeed Ibarra. He also says that Rio succeeded Bazan at the 
latter's death. Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 395-7, implies that Martin's defeat 
was soon after 1563. According to Noticias de Expediciones, G72-3, Bazan 's 
expedition was in 1570, and he had 500 volunteers, losing 100. See also Id. 
in Monum. Domin. Esp., MS., 243-4; Hernandez, Comp. Oeog. Son., 9-24. 
The cost is said to have been $210,000 or $300,000. 

41 These were Bartolom6 Mondragon, Juan Martinez del Castillo, Tomaa 
Soberanis, Juan Caballero, and Antonio Ruiz, 'de cuyos comentarios bastan- 
temente exactos hemos tornado estas noticias' adds Alegre; following literally 
the Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., which is torn. xv. of the Archivo General de 

42 The commandants at San Felipe, civil or military, during the last dec- 
ade of the century seem to have been Miguel Ortiz Maldonado, Alonso Diaz, 
Juan Perez de Cebreros, Diego de Quiros, and Alonso Diaz again. 


sand Christian Indians, the mines being exhausted or 
at least not worked; and Sinaloa, with its five or more 
adventurous citizens of San Felipe, surrounded by 
savages, among whom in the later years the Jesuits 
beofan their labors. 

The Franciscans were the first workers in the 
spiritual conquest of Nueva Vizcaya. One or more 
of their number accompanied each party of explorers, 
settlers, and miners from the time of Nuno de Guz- 
man. Between 1554 and 1590 they had established 
east of the main sierra ten of their stations, or con- 
vents as they were called, all dependent on the cen- 
tral establishment, or custody, of Zacatecas. 43 Only 
Nombre de Dios and Durango can be properly said to 
have been founded before 1563. Father Mendoza's 
labors at Nombre de Dios from 1554 have been al- 
ready recorded, also the arrival in this field of padres 
Pedro de Espinareda, Diego de la Cadena, Jacinto de 
San Francisco, and the donado Lucas in 1556, Cadena 
a*id Lucas extending their labors northward to the 
Guadiana Valley before 1562. 44 During this period 
Father Bernardo de Cossin came to join the mission- 
ary band, and in a few years was the first to attain 
the honors of martyrdom in Nueva Vizcaya. 45 

43 These in the order, so far as it can be ascertained, of their founding 
were at Nombre de Dios, Durango, San Pedro y San Pablo de Topia, Penoi 
Blanco (near Cuencame and afterward transferred to San Juan del Rio), Ma- 
pimi (soon abandoned, but perhaps reestablished), San Bartolome Valley 
(Allende), San Juan del Mezquital, San Francisco del Mezquital, Cuencame, 
and Saltillo. As to the dates the Franciscan chroniclers give invariably those 
of the first visits to the regions in question, in most cases several years before 
permanent establishments were founded, and generally too early even for the 
preliminary visits. These first visits correspond with Ibarra's private ex- 
plorations of 1554-60, and the permanent convents date from his official tours 
as governor from 1562. 

44 See p. 101 of this volume. 

ib Cossin was a Frenchman by birth, a native of Aquitaine, but belonged 
to the convent of San Juan de la Luz near the Basque city of Fuenterrabia. 
Soon after his arrival in America he was sent to join Espinareda's band, and 
by the latter to join Cadena at Guadiana. Eager for work he soon obtained 
leave to make an entrada among the gentiles, by whom he was shot with 
arrows while engaged in showing them the falsity of their old faith. Arlegui 
dates his martyrdom in 1555, but it must have been after 1556, and was prob- 
ably several years later. 

Jacinto de San Francisco, popularly known as Padre Cintos, had been one 


Ibarra was accompanied in bis expeditions as gov- 
ernor by four Franciscans. Two of these were per- 
haps left to serve in the region of Topia from 15G3-4 
when mines were opened and a garrison left. It is 
possible, but not probable, that Espinareda sent some 
friars to that region before Ibarra's entry. It is re- 
corded that two Franciscans — one of them an old man 
and the other young, but whose names are unknown — 
were thus sent to work in Topia and after much suc- 
cess at first were put to death at the instigation of a 
native sorcerer in 1562. 46 I suppose, however, that 
these were the two friars, also nameless in the records, 
left by Ibarra, and that there is an error in the date 
of their death. Nothing more is known of either 
missionary or mining operations in Topia until the 
Jesuits made their appearance; though it is implied 
that the Franciscan convent was maintained continu- 

North of San Bartolome in Chihuahua the Fran- 
ciscans introduced their faith at different points on the 

of Cortes ' soldiers in the conquest of Mexico, and had received valuable en- 
comiendas; but compunctions of conscience for past deeds of blood caused 
him to relinquish his wealth and assume the Franciscan vows and habit. 
No details of his labors in Durango from his arrival in 1550 arc known; but 
he was famous for his zeal, and immensely popular among the natives. The 
time of his death is given by Torquemada as 1566; and he was buried at 
Norubre de Dios, where for 100 years and more, as is said, his grave was daily 
decorated with flowers. 

Espinareda was from the province of Santiago in Spain, one of the first 
twelve sent to Mexico from that province. In the first six years of his min- 
istry he baptized 15,000 adults. Of Padre Cadena's early life nothing is 
recorded. After 30 years of service in the north they both died in October 
1586, Espinareda at Zacatecas, and Cadena at Durango. 

Not long after Cossin's death it is said that Father Juan de Tapia, who had 
served at Durango, was killed by the natives in the Zacatecas Mountains, to- 
gether with the faithful Lucas, who was a native of Michoacan; and in 1586 
Padre Andres de Puebla was killed by the savages as had been predicted 
before he set out, while on his way to the sierra of Topia. Pedro de Heredia, 
Buenaventura Aniaga, and Padre Quijas are also mentioned as prominent 
Franciscans. On the lives of these friars see Arlegui, Crdn. Zac, 211-15, 
231-5, 238-9, 264-9; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 075-7, 745-6; Vetancvrt, Mmo- 
logio, 7, 73, 91; Ramirez, Not. Hist. Dur., 10-11, 20-1; Id., Dur., 13-14; 
Beuvmojit, Crdn. Mich., v. 504-8, 516-18, 542-7; Torquemada, iii. 613. 

40 Arlegui, (J ran. Zac, 35-7, 65, 222-5. This author says also that the 
original entry was in 1555, doubtless an error, the reentry and building of a 
church in 1559-60, the killing of the friars in 1502, and the restoration of the 
convent in 1504. According to Mendieta, Hint. Ecles., 746; Torquemada, iii. 
613, their death was in 1555. 


route to New Mexico; but apparently they established 
no permanent stations there. Nor does it appear 
that any regular convents were founded in the Sinaloa 
provinces. The Chametla region was visited occa- 
sionally by friars from Jalisco; one or two mission- 
aries worked at times in connection with the curate 
of San Miouel ; and as we have seen fathers Acebedo 
and Herrera were left at San Juan by Ibarra, but 
soon fell victims to the murderous Suaquis. 47 

They were all, if we may credit the somewhat par- 
tial chroniclers, most holy men, entirely devoted to 
their work. Hardly one of their number to whom 
supernatural aid was not vouchsafed. Arrows directed 
at the missionaries with deadly intent were often de- 
flected from their course; and in the case of Padre 
Cossin they even returned to pierce the wicked bar- 
barian who discharged them. A horse was miracu- 
lously furnished to bear Padre Heredia from danger; 
his own death and the manner of it were foretold to 
Padre Puebla; sweet strains of music were heard at 
the funeral of Padre Quijas; the fishes jumped of 
their own accord from the stream into Padre Cintos' 
hands when he was threatened with starvation, these 
fishes being moreover of a species never found in the 
stream before or since. Most of the friars sought 
martyrdom, and the desires of five or six of their 
number were gratified. To their eternal profit they 
were tortured, shot, and mutilated by the savages 
they sought to save. Here as elsewhere the heads 
and limbs of the martyrs often resisted the action of 
fire when the savages attempted to roast them; and 

47 Pablo de Acebedo was a Portuguese, who took the habit in the province 
of Santa Cruz, Espaiiola. He came to the north soon after his arrival in 
Mexico. Juan de Herrera, lay brother, came to America from the province 
of Santiago in 1541 with 12 friars sent to Guatemala, and served for some 
time in Yucatan. It is said that their murder was instigated by a mulatto 
interpreter, who was himself subsequently killed. Acebedo's body was 
miraculously preserved and shrunken to the size of a child of three years, a 
proof of his innocence. Arlegui, Crdn. Zac, 215-23; Torquemada, iii. 623-5; 
mont, v. 542-7; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 759-61; Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 
13-14; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles, 159; Vetaucvrt, Menolog., 131; Vazquez, Crdn. 
Guat., 618-19; Dice. Univ., viii. 36. 


a frequent token of divine approval — or of a dry 
climate as modern incredulity would put it — was the 
preservation of their bodies for months or even years 
without taint of putrefaction. For the Franciscan 
annals of this period as of the following century 
Arlegui is the leading authority. 48 

The entrance of the Company of Jesus — whose 
annals are almost identical and co-extensive with 
north-western history down to 1767 — into Nueva Viz- 
caya, dates from 1590, when this order undertook the 
spiritual conquest of the northern barbarians by an 
arrangement between Philip II., the Jesuit general 
Borja, the Mexican provincial Mendoza, and Governor 
Rio. A few members of the society had previously, 
as we have seen, made proselyting tours in different 
parts of Nueva Galicia, and in one of those tours Gon- 
zalez de Tapia and Nicolas de Ardoya had reached 
Durango, perhaps in 1589. Several years passed, how- 
ever, before a college was established at the capital, 
and meanwhile Tapia and Martin Perez were sent to 
San Felipe in the modern Sinaloa, where they arrived 
in 1591 and at once set to work among the towns on 
or near the rivers Petatlan and Mocorito. 49 

48 Arlegui, Chrdnka de la Provincia de N. S. P. S. Francisco de Zacatecas. 
Mexico, 1737, sm. 4 to. 13 1. 412 pp. 9 1. The author, Padre Joseph Arlegui, 
besides holding other important positions in his order, was provincial of the 
provincia in 1725-8. The capitulo general of the order at Milan in June 1729, 
having directed that each provincia should appoint a competent friar to 
record its annals, Arlegui was thus appointed by the subordinate chapter in 
November 1734. His work was completed in 1736 and published, as above, 
in 1737. He was already familiar with the archives; had some notes and origi- 
nal papers; was aided by the actual provincial Antonio Rizo in new researches, 
and also used certain manuscript Noticias on his subject left by Padre Jose" de 
Castro. The result is therefore more complete than might be expected from 
the short time in which it was prepared. The Chrdnka is devoted to the 
foundation and progress of the different convents, and the life, virtues, and 
sufferings of the friars. Like other works of the class it leaves much to be 
desired from a secular historian's point of view, the author being somewhat 
more narrow-minded and allowing himself less scope as a historian even than 
some of his brother chroniclers. Yet he was evidently faithful and diligent, 
and with other writers of his class, bigoted as they were, merits our hearty 
gratitude, especially when we think of the dreary blank which, but for their 
labors, would constitute so large a portion of American annals. This work is 
very rare. I have also a reprint done in Mexico, 1851, 8vo, to which is added 
Memorias para la Continuation de la Crdnica, by P. Antonio Galvez, thus bring- 
ing the record down to 1828. This work also is becoming rare. 

49 Among the villages named as having been christianized during this first 


Six other Jesuits were sent to toil in the same field 
before 1595. 50 The natives, of many different tribes 
if their languages be taken as a guide, 51 but generally 
spoken of in the Jesuit relations by the village names, 
seem to have been for the most part well disposed and 
quite willing to be gathered in little communities, to be 
baptized and married, to learn the doctrina, and under 
the good padres' instruction and watching to till the 
soil for their own support as they had been accustomed 
to do in a ruder manner before the Spaniards came. 
These little establishments were the nuclei of the 
great mission system of which I shall have so much to 
say in later chapters and volumes. Records of prog- 
ress even in this earliest period are voluminous, but 
of such a nature that they can hardly be utilized for 
present purposes. That is, the petty happenings, in 
connection with each village, each conversion, each 
apostasy, each interposition of divine or diabolic power, 
which seemed to the Jesuits of such vital importance 
and interest, and with which their annual reports were 
filled, defy for the most part condensation into the 
form of history. 52 

decade are: Guazave, Cubiri, Mo, Bamoa, Ures, Deboropa, Lopoche, Mata- 
pan, Ocoroni (or Ocoroiri), Sisimicari, Bacoburitu, Orobatu, Mocorito, Navi- 
tama, Terabio, Biara, Navoria, and Tovoropa, all with orthographical varia- 
tions. Several of these names appear in the same region on modern maps, 
some of them perhaps still applied to the original localities. 

50 These were Jnan Bautista de Velasco, Hernando de Villafane, Alonso 
de Santiago (who retired in 1594), Jnan Bautista de Qrobato, Hernando de 
Santaren, and Pedro Mendez. Some particulars respecting the lives of each 
are given by Ribas and Alegre. 

51 According to the Carta Etnogrtifica of Orozco y Berra these dialectic 
tribes on or near the Bio de Sinaloa are almost as numerous as the chroniclers 
make them by the use of pueblo names. They are Vacoregue or Guazave, 
Pima, Oguera, Cahuimeto, Basopa, Zoe, Tubar, Cahita, and Mexican. 

52 Chief among original authorities should be mentioned Mcmorias para la 
Historic/, de la Provincia de Sinaloa, 1530-1G29, MS., 991 pp. This is an 18th 
century copy in a clear handwriting of torn xv. of the Archivo General de 
Mexico, MS., 32 vols. I have another later copy under the title of Documcn- 
tos para la Historia de Sinaloa, MS., 2 vols. This work is made up of the 
original anuas of the Jesuit provincial, with many letters and reports of the 
missionaries themselves. It is the source from which Bibas and Alegre drew 
most of their material; and indeed Alegre copies literally, without credit, a 
large part of the introduction. The period extending from the beginning to 
1G00 tills 339 pages of the manuscript. The work also contains — pp. 817-991, 
from another vol. of the Arch. Gen., and not in the Doc. Hist. — similar mate- 
rial for other parts of. Nueva Vizcaya. 


According to the statements of Ribas and Alegre, 
the standard authorities for Jesuit annals in this re- 
gion, eight churches of a permanent character, though 
of very modest architectural pretensions, besides 
sixty temporary structures for religious service, were 
erected during this decade. Two thousand converts 
were baptized the first year and four thousand before 
1597. 53 Omnipotence, ever ready to encourage the$e 
faithful workers, sent upon the people epidemics, 
earthquakes, tornados, and droughts, with a view both 
to frighten the pagans into an application for relief 
and to show how uniformly these troubles yielded to 
Jesuit prayer. The miracles w T ere not, however, all 
on the side of the Christians; for on one occasion 
when the missionaries had demolished an idol of stone 
and preached earnestly against idolatry, the heathen 
deities sent a violent hurricane which was interpreted 
as a protest, and caused not a few converts to return 
to their former faith. 

Father Tapia visited in 1592 the wilder tribes 
dwelling on the Rio Tamotchala, Suaqui, or Fuerte, 
and also penetrated the mountainous Topia, laying 
there the foundations for future conversions. The 
same padre found time in 1593 for a trip to Mexico 
in the interests of his missions; but the next year, at 
the age of thirty-three, he had the honor of becoming 
the first martyr of his order in Sinaloa. Nacabeba, 
a native who had some influence as a sorcerer at 

^Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 241-3, 258-9, 287-95, 307-19, 350-4, 377-9, 
387-9; Ribas, 1 1 1st. Triumphos de la Fe, 35-80. According to the original 
reports there were 6,100 converts in 1594; 0,770 in 1595; and 8,400 in 1597. 
In 1595 the converts were distributed as follows: 1,588 in 5 pueblos on the 
RioEvora; 3,312 in 13 pueblos on the Rio Petatlan ; 1,270 in 3 pueblos on the 
Rio Ocoroni; and 000 converts on the, Rio Sinaloa (Fuerte). There was a 
pestilence in 1593. Padre Martin Pelaez visited the missions in 1595, P. Luis 
de Bonifaz in 159G, and two Jesuits in 1598. According to letters of P. Perez, 
dated Dec. 1591, and printed in Pur chas, His Pilgrimes, IV., 1854, there had 
been 1,600 baptized and 13 churches built at that date. Statistics of the 
period are naturally very meagre and unreliable. Hernandez y Davalos, 
Geog. Son., 14, absurdly says that the Jesuit establishments of Sinaloa in 
1591-6 cost the government 8,000,000 pesos. Other works containing matter 
on the Jesuit missions in Sinaloa befere 4600, are: Ajjostdlicos A fanes, 224; 
Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. Jesus, 138; Velasco, Not. Son., 138; Soc. Mex, 
Geoy., Bol., viii. 658; Buelna, Compend., 58; Dice. Univ., x. 696-7. 


Deboropa, having been chicled for habitual absence 
from church, drunkenness, and other offences, was at 
last flogged at the padre's request. After trying 
unsuccessfully to incite his people to revolt, Nacabeba, 
aided by a few accomplices, murdered Padre Tapia 
when he came to renew his remonstrances, fleeing 
immediately after the act to the hostile Suaquis and 
Tehuecos in the north, and bearing with him the 
padre's head and arm as trophies. In orgies of vic- 
tory they used the victim's skull for a drinking-cup, 
and tried to roast the arm; but fire, as we are gravely 
told, had no effect upon the sacred relic. 54 

In 1595 the governor sent Alonso Diaz with twenty- 
five men from Durango, who built a fort at San Fe- 
lipe, and left Juan Perez de Cebreros in command. 
He recovered the remains of Father Tapia, but failed 
to secure the murderer, who took refuge with the sav- 
age Tehuecos. During this year and the next mission 
work seems to have been at a stand-still. The loss of 
Tapia's influence, the fear of being suspected in con- 
nection with his murder, dread of the soldiers, and 
other diabolical influences caused many of the con- 
verted tribes to abandon their pueblos, and the gen- 
tiles were hostile in every direction. By patient 
effort, however, the missionaries gradually brought 
back the fugitives; and meanwhile they had done 
some work in the southern regions of Culiacan, and 

54 Albieuri, Historla de las Misiones Apdstolicas que los cldrigos regnlares de 
la Compania de Jesus an echo en las Indicts Occldentales del Reyno de la Nueva 
Vizcaya, etc., MS., 4to, 373 pp. is a history of the missions down to 1594,' but 
mainly devoted to the life and virtues and martyrdom of Father Tapia, an 
engraved portrait of whom is attached to the frontispiece. The author, 
Father Juan Albieuri, was himself a missionary in Sinaloa, and personally 
acquainted with the companions of Tapia. His autograph is attached to the 
preface dated San Ignacio de Vamupa, April 16, 1033; and the work is ap- 
proved by the rector, Padre Juan Varela, and by Tapia's associates, Pedro 
Mendcz and Hernando de Villafane, whose emendations are seen through- 
out the volume. Backer, Bibliotheque, iv. (j, mentions this MS., as being in 
the library of the University of Mexico. 

A very complete narrative of all the circumstances attending Tapia's 
murder is the Relation de la vnuerte del Padre Gonzalo de Tapia, superior de- 
la Compania de Jesus de Cinaloa, que sucedid d los 11 de Jidio, 1594, en el 
pueblo de Tovoripa, MS. See also, Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 52; Aleyre, i. 
287-95; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro J£cles, i. 252-3. 


had built and decorated a fine adobe church and resi- 
dence at San Felipe. The year 1597 was marked by 
one or two minor revolts, and by fierce conflicts 
between different native tribes, but great progress 
in conversion was also made. In 1598 by the vice- 
roy's orders a reenforcement of twenty soldiers was 
sent to the presidio of San Felipe. It would appear 
also that many new settlers came about this time ; and 
in 1599 with the capture and execution of Tapia's 
murderer the spiritual conquest took a new start, 
success being great. Finally in 1600 Captain Diego 
Martinez de Hurclaide, of whose valorous deeds much 
will be said in later chapters, assumed command of 
the garrison, made permanent allies of the hitherto 
troublesome Guazaves, and penetrated to the moun- 
tain region of Chinipas. 

I have already mentioned the little that is known 
of Franciscan operations in the Topia mountains, where 
were the mining camps of San Andres, San Hipolito, 
and Parpudos. As early as 1592 Father Tapia, from 
Sinaloa, had visited the Acaxees of that region, find- 
ing them well disposed. Other visits were made from 
time to time by the Sinaloa Jesuits, who obtained 
there in 1597 a contribution of twelve hundred dollars 
from the miners for their San Felipe church. In 1599 
Father Santaren made an extended visit and found 
the natives so desirous of conversion at Jesuit hands 
that he had to depart secretly by night from some of 
the districts. Finally in 1G00 the same missionary 
with Father Alonso Ruiz entered the province, and 
they began their permanent work in earnest. They 
were accompanied by Diego de Avila who was com- 
missioned by the viceroy as "capitan pacificador y 
juez protector" of the natives. 55 

55 Duarte, Testimonio juridico de las poblaci 'ones y conversiones de los Serra- 
nos Acaches, hechas por el Capitan .Diego de Avila y el venerable padre Her- 
nando de Santaren por el afw de 1G00. In Doe. Hist. Mex., scrie iv. torn. iv. 
173-267; also MS. , in Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., 159-340; also resume* mDurango, 
.Doc. Jlist., MS., 140-50. This lengthy account was written by Martin Du- 


In this pious raid they taught the natives to kneel 
and kiss the padres' hands at their approach^ to build 
churches, and to say doctrina. They whipped some 
who were refractory about receiving the new faith, 
and broke up, united, or reestablished the villages ac- 
cording to their own ideas of convenience or policy. 
They appointed alcaldes and other officials as usual, 
and especially directed their attention to breaking or 
burning all stones and bones worshipped as idols. The 
records show the Spaniards to have been hardly less 
superstitious than the Acaxees, since accounts of idols 
speaking or eating are accepted apparently without 
the slightest doubt. 

At Durango, or Guadiana, twenty-two thousand 
pesos having been contributed by Governor del Rio 
and others, the Jesuit college was founded in 1593-4, 
and at the end of the century had eight priests and two 
hermanos in its fellowship. Two padres worked at the 
college among the Spaniards and other inhabitants of 
the city and vicinity, while two were stationed at each 
of the three missions that had been founded. Of these 
Santaren and Ruiz, as already noted, were in the 
mountains of Topia. Two others of the eight Jesuits 
were fathers Geronimo Ramirez and Juan de Fonte 
engaged in converting the great Tepehuane nation, 
which occupied a large part of what is now Durango 
from Papasquiaro northward. Ramirez began the 

arte, the escribano of the expedition, who minutely describes and swears to 
every petty detail of each day's acts, each movement and word of captain, 
padres, and natives, each idol destroyed. More words to less purpose could 
hardly be written. The pueblos as left after this entrada were: Santa Ana, 
San Martin, San Pedro y San Pablo, San Diego, San Juan JSTapeces, San 
Geronimo, San Tclmo, Cuevas, Aibupa, Otatitlan, Acapu, Matenipa, San 
Miguel de los Reyes, Tocotlan, and San Juan de Cubia, having from OS to 
320 inhabitants each. The real de San Andres was already under the care of 
a curate. A regulation was made forbidding outsiders to visit the Indian 
pueblos or to entice away the inhabitants under penalty of 100 pesos if the 
offender were a Spaniard, or 200 blows if an Indian. Alegre, i. 378-82, gives 
some details of Santaren's experience in 1599. Mota-Padilla, Hist. N. Gal., 
250, mentions a revolt quelled by Bishop Mota in 1599 after the military had 
failed. According to Dice. Univ., i. 31; x. G19 et seq., the name Topia came 
from an old woman transformed into a stone, still venerated in the form of 
jicaras. See also liibas, Hint. IViumjjJtos, 471-8. 


work in 1596 at Sauceda and Ubamari, or Santa Cruz. 
Fonte entered the field several years later, and down 
to the end of the century the harvest was found more 
plenteous than there were laborers to reap. A town 
at Zape and that of Santa Catalina in Atotonileo 
Valley are said to have been founded during this 

Meanwhile padres Francisco Ramirez and Juan 
Agustin de Espinosa preached in the region of Cuen- 
came in 1594, and passing on to what is now south- 
western Coahuila, founded in the lake region the mis- 
sion of Santa Maria de Parras. The Laguna Indians 
were friendly from the first, and not averse to salva- 
tion, although somewhat disinclined to live in villages. 
Many of them spoke Aztec dialects, which was a great 
help to the missionaries. The devil often appeared 
here, taking the form of a horrible beast; but on the 
other hand divine assistance was not withheld, and the 
success of the padres was flattering. In 1600 there 
were fifteen hundred converts in this mission, and three 
flourishing towns dependent on it. Among the many 
proofs of the Jesuits' efficacious teaching the chroniclers 
point with pride to the fact that a young convert sub- 
mitted to torture and death rather than sacrifice her 

In addition to the statements of Ribas and Alegre, 
several of the anuas, or yearly reports of work, accom- 
plished under this Jesuit college of Durango have 
been preserved, together with several letters of the 
missionaries. They are filled for the most part with 
petty details of remarkable conversions and cures, 
showing all to have been couleur de rose in the prog- 
ress of the good work at this early time, but noticeable 
for an almost entire absence of all facts, figures, or 
names of historic value. 56 

56 Nueva Vizcaya, Documentor para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil. In 
Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv. torn, iii.-iv. The matter preceding 1G00 extends 
to p. 60 of torn. iii. This collection is torn, xix.-xx. of the Archivo Gen. de 
Mex. I have also the MS. copy from the Andrade-Maximilian library. A 
large portion is also in the Sinaloa, Mem. Hist.. MS., 8.17 et seq. See also 


I may liere glance briefly at the few events to be 
noted in sixteenth -century annals of the territory 
since known as Coahuila, then a part of Nueva Viz 
caya. Saltillo has already been named in the list of 
Franciscan convents. It was founded as early as 
1582 57 by Padre Lorenzo Gavira; but the natives 
after a time became intractable, the little church was 
destroyed in a revolt, and finally Gavira was forced 
to seek a new field of labor. In 1586 the villa of 
Saltillo was founded under a regular municipal gov- 
ernment. 58 It is not quite clear whether this was 
before or after the revolt alluded to; but either that 
revolt or other hostilities endangered the safety of 
the town about 1592 and caused the inhabitants to 
call upon the viceroy for succor. In response Captain 
Francisco Urdiiiola was sent north with a colony of 
four hundred Tlascaltecs, who, under the direction 
of Buenaventura de Paz, were settled in a town called 
Nueva Tlascala close to the villa but independent of 
Spanish control. The Franciscan establishment was 
also revived at this time. 59 The settlement thus pro- 
tected was subsequently quite prosperous, but there 
is no further record of its progress until after 1600. 
In connection also with the Jesuit mission at Parras 00 
a settlement of Spaniard and Tlascaltecs from Saltillo 
seems to have sprung up about 1598. This colony was 
welcomed by the mild Laguna tribes as a protection 
from their fierce foes the Tobosos and Cocoyomes of 
the north. It prospered for a time by reason of the 

Ale'irc, i. 283-7, 319-23, 354-6; Ribas, 669-710; Tamaron, Visiia de Dur., 
MS., 41; Orozco y Berra, in llustracion Mcx., 269; Durango, Doc. Hist., 
MS., 139-40; Albieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 140-8. 

57 Arlegui, Crdn. Zac., 77. Torquemada, iii. 341, also favors this early- 
date. Arlegui, pp. 224-5, speaks of the murder here at a still earlier date of 
a Franciscan who was preaching to the Guachichiles at Santa Elena. 

58 Two alcaldes and a sindico were elected annually, but the office of 
regidores and clerk were sold at auction. Aiispe, Memorial, 10; Avila, in 
Museo Mcx., ii. 73; Dice. Univ., vi. 262. 

59 It is not impossible that the revolt of 1592 was the same that drove out 
Gavira. Morfi, Diario, 404-6, followed by Orozco y Berra, Geog., 301, so 
represents it. 

c " The name comes from the wild grape-vines in the vicinity. See also 
Tamaron, Visita, MS., 41. 


soil's remarkable fertility; but in the following century 
its progress was seriously retarded through the op- 
pression of the poorer classes and especially the natives 
by rich monopolists of land and water/ 


The annals of New Mexico are fully presented in 
another volume; 62 hence an outline only is required in 
this connection, the province being one of the North 
Mexican States though never belonging to Nueva 
Vizcaya. The first visit of Europeans was that of 
Vazquez de Coronado from the west in 1540-2 as 
already recorded. Before the end of the century the 
country was several times revisited and finally occu- 
pied by Spanish forces from the south, the various 
expeditions being voluminously and for the most part 
satisfactorily recorded in documents yet extant. 

In 1581 Father Agustin Rodriguez, moved by a 
perusal of Cabeza de Vaca's narrative and by certain 
reports brought by natives from the north, set out 
from San Bartolome Valley in southern Chihuahua, 
accompanied by two other Franciscans and a few sol- 
diers under one Chamuscado. They went down the 
Conchos and up the Rio Grande to the province of 
the Tiguas, Coronado's Tiguex. They called the 
country San Felipe, perhaps San Felipe de Nuevo 
Mexico. The soldiers soon returned; but the friars 
remained, and after working for a while were killed by 
the natives. 

Late in 1582 Antonio Espejo with Father Beltran 
and fourteen soldiers went by the same route in search 
of Rodriguez and his comrades. Their fate was 
learned at one of the Tigua pueblos; and Espejo also 

61 Morfi, Dlario, 390-2, relates that Capt. Urdhlola began a ditch to 
monopolize the water for irrigation, but the governor of N. Vizcaya stopped 
the work. Later, however, the governor married into Urdinola's family and 
the difficulties were thus effectually removed and the ditch completed. This 
writer states that the mission at Parras was founded by P. Espinosa at the 
same time as the villa, which must be an error. See also Dice. Univ. , vi. 

62 See Hist. JV. Mex. and Ariz., this series, for a full presentment of details 
and authorities. 


heard of Coronaclo's ravages in this province. He 
extended his explorations eastward to the border of 
the buffalo-plains, northward to Cia and Galisteo, and 
westward to Zuni and the region of the modern 
Prescott. He heard of a great river in the north- 
west, and of a wealthy province on a great lake; 
which reports in connection with the popular estrecho 
and Ibarra's Copala did not fail to be utilized as ele- 
ments of the Northern Mystery. The return was 
from Coronado's Cicuic down the Rio Pecos in 1583. 
Espejo was disposed to call the country Nueva Anda- 
lucia, but the name New Mexico soon became preva- 

The king in consequence of the reports brought by 
Chamuscado's companions authorized the viceroy to 
make a contract with some suitable person for the 
conquest and settlement of the province. This was in 
1583. Many deemed themselves fitted for the enter- 
prise, and became enthusiastic after Espejo's reports 
were received. Espejo himself, Cristobal Martin, 
Francisco Diaz de Vargas, Juan Bautista de Lomas, 
and Francisco Urdihola were among those who in the 
next few years made earnest efforts — but without suc- 
cess on account of their character, poverty, or extrava- 
gant claims — to secure the conqueror's contract. 

Meanwhile Gaspar Castano de Sosa, governor of 
Nuevo Leon, started in 1590, without authority as it 
would appear, with a colony of nearly two hundred to 
take advantage of Espejo's discoveries. He went up 
the Pecos and crossed to the Pio Grande; visited and 
received the submission of thirty-three pueblos in 
1591, and then he was arrested and taken back to 
Mexico in chains by Captain Morlete, who had been 
sent with fifty soldiers and Father Juan Gomez to 
arrest Sosa for having undertaken an illegal entrada. 
The colonists soon retraced their steps southward. 

About 1595 Bonilla and Humana, sent b}^the gov- 
ernor of Nueva Vizcaya against some rebellious 
natives in the north, extended their expedition with- 


out license to New Mexico. They marched far out 
into the north-eastern plains in search of Quivira; 
Humana murdered his chief in a quarrel; and was 
himself killed with nearly all his men in a fight with 
the savages, only one or two surviving to tell the 

At last in 1595 Juan de Onate, more fortunate per- 
haps than other claimants, was commissioned as gov- 
ernor and captain-general to effect the conquest. He 
raised a large force of soldiers and colonists, and left 
Mexico in 1596. Vexatious complications hindered 
his progress and exhausted his funds; but he reached 
the southern part of his province with several hun- 
dred men and took formal possession in the region of 
El Paso in April 1598. All the pueblos submitted, 
most of them without resistance ; Franciscan mission- 
aries were stationed in the pueblos of six nations; 
Onate visited all the towns and penetrated far west of 
Zuni ; and the rebellious, or patriotic, warriors of the 
Acoma peiiol were reduced to submission after a series 
of harcl-fought battles. All this was before the sum- 
mer of 1599. San Juan de los Caballeros was made 
the capital. Santa Fe was not founded until consid- 
erably later. There is no foundation for the popular 
idea that the latter is the oldest town in the United 

Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 9 




Introductory Remarks — Maritime Annals — Voyage of Juan Rodriguez 
Cabrillo and Bartolome Ferrelo — Death of Cabrillo — Discovery 
of Alta California — Results — Ruy Lopez de Villalobos Discovers 
the Philippines — Legaspi Crosses the Pacific — Padre Andres Ur- 
daneta Opens the Northern Route — Arellano's Trip from the 
West— The Manila Galleons — Piratical Crdtse of Francis Drake 
in the Mar del Sur — Voyage of Francisco de Gali — Cruise of 
Thomas Cavendish— Capture of the Galleon 'Santa Ana' — Apoc- 
ryphal Expeditions to Strait of Anian by Lorenzo Ferrer Mal- 


in San Francisco Bay — Sebastian Vizcaino Explores the Gulf — 
Unsuccessful Attempt to Settle California — A Battle and a Ro- 
mance — Old Maps. 

Turning again to the coast, I take up the thread 
of maritime discovery in the Mar del Sur where it 
was dropped in a preceding chapter at the failure of 
Pedro de Alvarado's schemes in 1541. So slight is 
the connection between the progress of exploration by 
water and the course of events on land in the coast 
provinces, that it is found most convenient to treat 
the two subjects separately down to the last years of 
the seventeeth century. I therefore describe in this 
and the two following chapters all voyages in the 
north-western waters of ocean or gulf during the 
period named, with the motives actuating and circum- 
stances attending them, and the results accomplished, 
including of course the history of the temporary set- 
tlements effected by some of the explorers on the 
Californian peninsula. 



Many details of local geography and adventure 
connected with these voyages belong obviously to the 
history proper of Alta California, and of countries to 
the north, possessing little or no interest in connection 
with the present subject in its general aspects. Such 
details will therefore be briefly — but none the less I 
hope judiciously — disposed of here, to be treated in 
full when I come to narrate the annals of more north- 
ern regions in a future volume, where in their turn 
generalities of the various expeditions may be in like 
manner presented en resume. 

Still another phase of the subject may be advan- 
tageously left for fuller treatment elsewhere. I allude 
to fictitious narratives of voyages, or authentic narra- 
tives of fictitious voyages, to and into and through 
the fabulous strait of Anian. Three only assumed 
definite form of date or detail — those of Maldonado, 
Fuca, and Fonte — each of which will be mentioned 
briefly in its chronological order; but the minutiae of 
these expeditions and of others more vaguely recorded, 
as well as the endless variety of tales growing out of 
them, which were told and listened to in Mexico and 
Europe, I defer with all the annals of impossible ad- 
venture and imaginary geography for future considera- 
tion in chapters devoted to the Northern Mystery. 1 

It is well, however, to understand at the outset 
that the fables and fancies alluded to had an element 
of reality, inasmuch as they were implicitly believed 
at the time, and exercised a marked influence on every 
expedition despatched. But for this influence it may 
almost be doubted that Spanish occupation at the end 
of the seventeenth or even the eighteenth century 
would have extended above Colima on the Pacific and 
Panuco on the Atlantic side. I have already ex- 
plained how faith in a northern strait uniting the 
oceans was gradually and naturally developed from 
early cosmographical ideas respecting America as a 
part of Asia. During the later period, now to be 

*See Hint. Northwest Coast, i. chap, i.-iv. this series. 


considered, when expeditions by land and water were 
greatly multiplied, both soldiers and sailors/ imbued 
with the prevalent expectation of wonders in the 
north, shaped their reports as far as possible by what 
they were desired to see rather than by what they 
saw. The aborigines were not slow to comprehend the 
ruling desire of the Spaniards and accordingly to fash- 
ion their stories of great rivers, and lakes, and straits, 
always a little farther on, thus supplying explorers 
with all the basis they needed for their marvellous re- 

Sailors found from time to time at the northern 
limit of their voyage the mouth of a river, Idslj, or 
inlet, and on each occasion doubted not they had at 
last discovered the estrecho. It were a pity that be- 
cause circumstances did not permit them just then to 
pass through to the other ocean, others should do so 
a little later and thus rob them of a merited honor; 
consequently their reports were made to include what 
they would have seen, had weather, or health, or sup- 
plies allowed them to sail farther east or west. The 
influence of this all-pervading geographical dogma of 
Anian must be kept always in mind by the reader. 

The voyages treated in this chapter have been 
already put before the public many times in many 
forms, often with accuracy and completeness. Both 
individually and collectively they were in former }^ears 
the subject of much more research than the inland 
annals of the same period, and later researches in the 
Spanish and Mexican archives have brought to light 
comparatively little new material. -Hence it is that 
here to a greater degree than elsewhere in my work, 
I must be content to repeat an oft-told tale; yet patient 
investigation is none the less a duty and a pleasure to 
the historian because comparatively barren of results 
or not easily made apparent to the reader. 

The threatened perils of a general uprising of native 
American nations having been averted by a success- 


ful issue of the Mixton campaign, Viceroy Mendoza 
was again at liberty to turn his attention northward. 
Coronado had abandoned the conquest of Cibola, 
Tiguex, and Quiriva, and was returning homeward 
with the remnants of his grand army. By the voy- 
ages of Ulloa and Alarcon the gulf coasts had been 
explored and California proved to be a peninsula. 
Such results had evidently done much to cool Men- 
doza's ardor for northern enterprise ; yet he had a fleet 
on his hands and one route for exploration still re- 
mained open — the continuation of that followed by 
Ulloa, up the outer coast beyond Cedros Island. Two 
vessels of Alvarado's former fleet, the San Salvador 
and Victoria, were made ready and despatched from 
Natividad on June 27, 1542, under the command of 
Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, a Portuguese by birth, and 
an experienced and adventurous navigator in the vice- 
regal service. 2 

2 Cabrillo, Relation del descubrimiento que hizo Juan Rodriguez navegando 
por la contracosla del Mar del Sur al norte, hecha por Juan Paez, published 
in Pacheco, Col. Doc, xiv. 165 etc., is the original diary of Cabrillo's voyage. 
The same document had been before published in Florida, Col. Doc., i. 173- 
89, under the title Relation, 6 diario, de la navegacion que hizo Juan Rodriguez 
Cabrillo con dos navios, al descubrimiento del paso del Mar del Sur al norte. 
In this edition it is stated that a copy in the Mufioz collection has the name 
Juan Paez written several times upon it. Thus there is some uncertainty 
about the authorship. Possibly the later editor has no better authority than 
this for putting it under that name. This diary seems to be the source of all 
that is known about the voyage, though Herrera, dec. vii. lib. v. cap. iii.-iv. 
(followed by Marina Espaiiola, ii. 244-7), and Navarrete, Sutil y Mex., 
introd. xxvii.-xxxvi., show a few slight variations of unexplained origin. 
Evans' and Henshaw's Translation from the Spanish of the account by the pilot 
Ferelo of the voyage of Cabrillo along the west coast of North America in 15.';.} 
is the latest and best English version, with critical notes. Navarrete's 
version was translated by Alex. S. Taylor, and published in San Francisco, 
1853, under the title, The First Voyage to the Coast of California. A MS. 
translation of the original* diary from Buckingham Smith's Florida collection, 
also by Taylor, is in the library of the California Pioneers. Other references 
are: Mofras, Explor., i. 96, 328; Taylor's Hist. Sum., 18-20; Id., in Ccd. 
Farmer, May 4, 1860, April 18, 1862, Aug. 14, 21, 1863; Clavigero, Stor. Cal, 
154-5; Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 325-6; Venegas, Not. Cal., i. 
180-3; Bumey's Chron. Hid., i. 220-5; Torquemada, 3lon. hid., i. 693-4; 
Cavo. Tres Siglos, i. 135; Humboldt, Essai Pol, 329; TuthilVs Hint. Cal, 
12-13; Greenhoiv's Or. and Cal., 61-3; Tiviss' Or. Quest., 22; Capron's Hist. 
Cal., 2, 121-2; Farnham's Life Ccd., 127; Cronise's Nat. Wealth, 5; Laet, 
Novvs Orbis, 306-7; Payno, mSoc. Mex. Geog., Dot., 2daep. ii. 199-200; Dome- 
neck's Deserts, i. 226; Foster's Hist. Voy., 44S-9; Montanus, N. Welt, 210-11; 
Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 70-2; Findtay's Directory, i. 314; Forbes' Cal.. 9; 
Frignet, La Cal., 9-26; Mordli, Fasti, 24; nines' Voy., 352; Hist. Mag., ix. 



The diary presents, at least in that part which now 
concerns us, but a dry record of dates and of names 
applied to points visited along the coast, most of which 
have not been retained, and some cannot with any 
degree of certainty be identified. I append in a note 
a full list corresponding, to the Lower California!! 
coast, with equivalents in 1802 and 1879 as identified 
by Navarrete and Evans. The former has, however, 
done little more than adopt the names given by Viz- 
caino sixty years later, some of which are as hard to 
find on modern maps as the originals. It will be noted 
that the two commentators differ in identifying points 
north of Canoas Bay; but without being very positive 
as to details I prefer to follow Navarrete and to iden- 
tify Cabrillo's San Miguel with San Diego for reasons 
that will be somewhat more fully given in another 
volume of my work. 3 

Reaching the southern point of the peninsula, now 

148; Hutchings' Mag., iii. 146; iv. 116, 547; v. 265; Muhlenpfordt, Mej., ii. 
451; Murray's N. Amer., ii. 79-80; Norman's Hist. Gal., 26-7; Saint- Amant, 
Voy. Cal., 393; Fedix, VOrtgon, 55; Marchand, Voy., i. viii. ; Eouhard, 
Regions Nouv., 26; Weik, Californien, 5; Tytler's Hist. Discov., 78-9; Mayer's 
Mex. Aztec, i. 142; Poussin, Puissance, i. 343. 
3 See also next chapter for Vizcaino's names : 


Cabrillo's Names. 



Navarrete , 8 Names. 
[Evans' names in brackets.] 

July 6. 



17 1. 

18 1. 

18 1. 


10 1. 

7 1. 

10 1. 




25 K° 
















S. Jose [B. S. Lucas]. 
Isl. Margarita. [C. Tosco Sta Ma- 
rina P.] 
"Magdalena B.] 

Magdalena B. [Pequeiia B.] 

No name.] 
Abreojos [Abreojos]. 
[Abreojoa shoals.] 
Isl. Asuncion [Hipolito Pt]. 
[P>. east of Asuncion Isl.] 
San*Bartolom3. [^ ( ' 1 
Natividad. | Id. and Pt Eugenio.] 
Cerros. [Id. J 
[Playa Maria B.] 
Canoas. [Id.] 
S. Geivnimo. [Id.] 
0. Bajo [no name]. 
Virgenes [S. Quintin]. 

Pt and Port Trinidad 



Port Madalena 

Pt Sta Catalina 

Port Santiago 

July 27. 
Aug. 1. 


Port s. Pedro Vincula 

Isl. S. Est: van 



Port Sta, Clara 

I't Mai Abrigo 



Isl. S. Bernardo 

Pt Engano 


S. Martin. [Id.] 

Sept. 8. 

C. S. Martin 

S. Quintin. [No name, past Todos 

[Evans omits G 1. of distance.] 

Todos Santos [S. Diego]. 


C. Cruz 


Los CoronadOs [S. Clemente and Sta 


Port S. Miguel 

San Diego [S. Pedro]. 


Cape San Lucas, 4 on the 3d of July, Cabrillo followed 
the coast in his two frail vessels until on August 5th 
he arrived without accident at Cedros Island, the 
northern limit of Ulloa's voyage. 5 Formal possession 
was taken of the country on the 2 2d at what was per- 
haps the bay of Virgenes of modern maps, and here 
the first natives were met, who claimed to have seen 
other Spaniards in the interior, and were intrusted 
with a letter for them. Nothing worthy of note oc- 
curred until the voyagers anchored at San Miguel, or 
what is now San Diego harbor, on the 28th of Sep- 
tember. Here again the natives spoke of Spaniards 
and their hostilities inland, and like reports were 
received at other points on the coast and islands above, 
doubtless founded on rumors of Diaz and Alarcon 
which had reached the tribes of the coast. 

Cabrillo's voyage derives its greatest importance 
from the fact that it was the first exploration by Euro- 
peans of Alta California from San Diego to Cape 
Mendocino, and perhaps beyond. A close examination 
of this pioneer navigator's adventures and discoveries 
will, therefore, be more appropriately given in a subse- 
quent volume on the earliest annals of California. 
During the month of October the coast and islands 
between San Diego and Point Concepcion were vis- 
ited at various points, observations of latitude were 
made, and notes were taken of the country and its 
inhabitants, intercourse with the latter being frequent 
and friendly. In November, against contrary winds, 
Cabrillo continued his voyage, but without landing, to 
a wooded point which he located in latitude 40°, and 
then returned to the islands of the Santa Barbara 
Channel. He had broken his arm before leaving the 
islands, and from the effects of this* accident, aggra- 
vated by subsequent exposure, he died after his return 

4 Herrera and Navarrete say that lie visited the port called by Cortes La 
Cruz, and the latter adds that it was probably San Jose (del Cabo). 

5 Unless, according to Castillo's map, that limit be Cape Engafio, which 
Cabrillo locates 2° farther north. 


on January 3, 1543, leaving the command to his chief 
pilot, Bartolome Ferrelo. 

In February the new captain started again north- 
ward, and after being tossed about for some days by 
the ever changing winds and sighting again the cape 
in 40°, the vessels were, according to observations 
made on the 28th, in latitude 43°. Subsequently they 
were put in great peril by a storm, and seem to have 
been driven still farther north. The land was hidden 
by a dense fog, but the navigators thought they ob- 
served signs of a great river entering the sea in this 
northern region. It seems indeed to have been im- 
possible for any northern navigator to return without 
a report of something that could be interpreted to 
mean the strait of Anian. Returning, the fleet passed 
on the 5th of March the island where Cabrillo had 
died, named for him Isla de Juan Rodriguez, and the 
two vessels were separated, to be again united at 
Cedros Island on the 26th, the capitana having touched 
on the way at San Miguel and other ports. The almi- 
rante had been in imminent peril at one time, but on 
a solemn promise from the sailors to go naked to 
church, Our Lady had delivered them, though why 
she fancied such a costume is not told. Sailing from 
Cedros April 2d they anchored at Natividad on the 

As Cabrillo's latitudes are all from 1° 30' to 2° 30' 
too high, he may for his present purposes be supposed 
to have passed Cape Mendocino, which, however, he 
did not name; or even to have reached the present 
line between California and Oregon ; but more of this 
in other volumes. 6 Neither large cities, powerful 
nations, nor rich islands were brought to light as had 
been hoped. The only practical result was to make 
known the general trend of the coast for some eight 
hundred miles beyond - the limit reached before. To 
the few thinking men who knew this result it must 
have given a comparatively accurate idea of the con- 

6 Sec Hist. Cal., i. 69 et seq.; Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 137 et seq. 


nection between America and Asia, especially when 
studied in connection with the voyages made before 
and immediately after, across the broad Pacific to the 
Asiatic Islands. If the two continents were joined 
it must be in the far north; but the "secret of the 
strait" remained yet unrevealed. 

During Cabrillo's absence two ships and three 
smaller craft, also remnants of Alvarado's fleet, were 
despatched by order of Mendoza from the western 
coast, and probably from the port of Natividad. These 
vessels, sailing in November 1542 7 under the com- 
mand of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, bore a large force 
destined for the islands of the South Pacific. With 
the discoveries and misfortunes of this expedition I 
have nothing to do here. Suffice it to say that by it 
Spain acquired no foothold in the East Indies. To 
gain such a foothold was regarded as of primary 
importance; but more than twenty years passed 
before anything was accomplished in this direction; 
and this period was also a blank in the. annals of 
north-western exploration by water, as also in the 
record of events on the land, but for the continued 
existence of the settlement at San Miguel de Culia- 

In 1559 Viceroy Velasco organized an expedition 
under Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. Andres de Ur- 
daneta, now an Austin friar, bat formerly a skilful 
navigator and companion of Loaisa and Saavedra, 
was entreated and directed by a royal order to accom- 
pany Legaspi as councillor. There were many delays, 
and Yelasco died just before the preparations were 
completed; but the fleet of four vessels, with four 
hundred men, sailed from Natividad in the autumn 
of 1564. It is unnecessary here to say more of this 
expedition than that it accomplished the desired 

7 Juan Fernandez de Ladrillero declared in 1574 that he and a company- 
were in California until called back to join Villalobos' expedition. Navarrete, 
Until y Mex., introd., xlii.-iv. This, if not pure invention, may be a vague 
allusion to Ulloa or Alarcon. 


object, the permanent occupation of the Philippines 
for Spain. 

The orders of the aucliencia required that as soon 
as a settlement had been effected in the islands, Ur- 
daneta should attempt with a part of the fleet to find 
a practicable route back to the coast of America. 
This return voyage had never yet been made by rea- 
son of the very winds that made the westward voyage 
so easy, and it was regarded by the king and his ad- 
visers as an achievement by no means less important 
than the conquest of the islands. Urdaneta had his 
theories on the subject, which he had doubtless ex- 
plained to the authorities, and the accuracy of which 
he was ordered to test. Accordingly the San Pedro, 
capitana of the fleet, was made ready and sailed from 
the island of Zebu on the 1st of June, 1565. Felipe 
Salcedo, a grandson of Legaspi, only sixteen years 
old, was in command, though instructed to be guided 
entirely as to the route by Urdaneta, who took with 
him as a companion Padre Andres de Aguirre. After 
sailing eastward to the Ladrones, the course was 
north to the coast of Japan, and still northward to 
the latitude of 38°, whence the prevailing winds bore 
the vessel across to New Spain. 8 

We have no further particulars of the route, but 
passing Natividad, said to have been found abandoned, 
the San Pedro arrived at Acapulco early in October. 
It had been a long and hard voyage. The vessel had 
been short-handed at the start; the pilot and master 
died at the beginning of the voyage, and fourteen 
others before it was ended; and so weak were the rest 
from sickness that on arrival at Acapulco there was 
not force enough to cast anchor. To Urdaneta, "aquel 
famoso argonauta," with his friar companion, had 
fallen the great work of the voyage, and right bravely 

8 This is Grijalva's statement, Crdnka, fol. 122, and he adds, speaking of 
this as a route followed by later navigators, that if the wind is not found in 
38° they keep on to 40°, or even 43°, where they are sure to find it. Burney, 
Cron. /list., 270, followed by many other writers, states that Urdaneta him- 
self reached these higher latitudes. 


had they clone it, steering the vessel, caring for the 
sick, performing the last rites for the dying and dead, 
making frequent and careful observations, and pre- 
paring a chart by which the Manila galleons sailed for 
many a year. The worthy friar is entitled to all the 
honor of having been the first to cross the Pacific 
eastward. 9 He died in Mexico in 1568. 

The route once found, the voyage eastward, though 
long and tedious, and cold in its northern parts, pre- 
sented no great difficulty, or risk save that of scurvy, 
short supplies, and a little later attacks of freebooters. 
Each year one or more vessels laden with the rich 
products of the east were wafted down the coast 
before the winds, but we have no information about 
any particular voyage. 10 They were no longer voy- 

9 Yet such is the blind injustice of fate that as it seems, Burney* s Hist. 
Chron., i. 270-1. and Grijalva, Cron., fol. 117, he did not actually make the 
first passage. Alonso dc Arellano deserted the fleet in command of the San 
Lucas, made the trip from the Philippines across to the region of cape Men- 
docino, and arrived at Acapulco three months before Urdaneta. The two 
met at the court of Spain, whither each had gone to report his success. Are- 
llano reported the rest of the fleet as lost, and claimed a reward for his own 
achievement. It is satisfactory to know that he was immediately sent back 
westward to be tried as a deserter. Torquemada, Mon. Ind., i. 693-4, states 
that Mendoza sent a fleet to the Philippines which in returning came in about 
42° to a point which they named cape Mendocino, following the coast down 
to Natividad. The viceroy sent vessels again to explore, but they could not 
go beyond Magdalena in 25°. Here is evidently confusion both of voyages 
and viceroys. It is not stated that Urdaneta reached that point, and the 
statement that Arellano did so is not entitled to great weight. In the absence 
of any positive evidence it is more probable that the name was applied in 
Mexico to a nameless cape of Cabrillo's narrative, or that the cape was named 
later by one of the galleons in honor of the second Mendoza. Taylor, in 
Browne's L. CaL, 20, takes his account apparently from Burney and not with 
sufficient care. Anson, Voyage, 235, tells us that the Philippine trade was 
first carried on from Callao, but the winds were unfavorable for the return, 
which sometimes lasted a year, and therefore the route was changed and 
trade diverted to Acapulco by the advice of a Jesuit, who persuaded naviga- 
tors to take the northern route. This is all erroneous. Torquemada, i. 090, 
also speaks of Natividad as the port of the Philippine vessels before Acapulco 
was opened. This is true, however, only of western voyages. Venegas, Not. 
('(A., i. 183, repeated in Sutll y Mex., p. xli., says that Viceroy Velasco sent the 
San Agvstin to establish a station for the Philippine trade on the outer coast 
of California. The reference is doubtless to the later voyage of 1595. Nav- 
arrete, Sutil 1j Mex., lxxxvi., speaks of Urdaneta 's voyage only to correct the 
impression given by Forster and others, that he discovered a passage from the 
north to the south sea; for this voyage, like every other of the period, was 
made to bear on the all-absorbing topic, about which Urdaneta was indeed 
called upon to testify in Spain. 

10 Burney, Chron. Hist. , i. 270-2, notes the sailing of a ship, the San Qer6- 
nimo, for the Philippines in 15GG; also the San Juan for New Spain in 15G7, 


ages of discovery, and there was no occasion that the 
log-books or diaries should be made public; on the 
contrary it was the policy of the government to 
shroud the movements of the galleons with every 
possible mystery. There were fears of foreign inter- 

The Spaniards' fears were not unfounded; they 
were not to be left undisturbed in their South Sea 
exploits; an English navigator appears upon the scene. 
English navigators — a better sounding term than ad- 
venturers, freebooters, privateers, or pirates — had for 
some years made themselves a terror to all the Span- 
ish main on the Atlantic side. The two governments 
were still at peace ostensibly; but Spain in her 
haughty arrogance showed no liberality or tolerance 
to foreign traders in her Indies, treating all such as 
intruders. The commercial spirit of England could 
ill brook this monopoly of western wealth, and trad- 
ers came to regard the Spanish policy as a personal 
wrong and insult to each one of themselves, to be 
avenged upon the persons, and above all on the prop- 
erty of any Spanish subject wherever found. The 
British government found that to leave the adven- 
turers to right their own wrongs was an easier way 
to restore commercial equilibrium than to waste time 
in appeals to King Philip. Moreover the Spaniards 
were Catholics, and there was a prevalent sentiment 
in England at this time that the poor deluded vic- 
tims of popery might be righteously robbed, and 
killed if not altogether submissive to the robbing. 
Thus does a holy faith ever prompt to grand efforts 
freebooters no less than missionaries. 

Francis Drake, at the time but little over thirty 
years old, had already distinguished himself in mari- 
time exploits. He had several times visited the West 

the arrival of two vessels from New Spain the same year, and orders to one 
of the vessels in 1572 to take a course farther north than usual for purposes 
of exploration. He takes these items from standard works on the Philippines. 


Indies in a subordinate position as a slave-trader, and 
had been instrumental in the sacking of divers towns 
on the coast. The unholy papists had, however, pre- 
vented the complete success of some of his schemes for 
gain, thus incurring his hatred and justifying, as he 
thought, a life-long warfare on all that was Spanish. 
In 1573, from a hill on the Isthmus, he had looked 
upon the broad Mar del Sur, and kneeling had prayed 
that he might be the first to navigate those waters in 
an English bottom. His prayer was not quite literally 
answered, for John Oxenham, another pirate, by cross- 
ing the Isthmus and stealing the bottom, gained for 
himself the honor; still Drake cherished his scheme 
and attached no more importance to his compatriot's 
achievement than has the world since accorded it. In 
1577 he fitted out a fleet of five vessels, with a force 
of one hundred and sixty-four men, and sailed from 
Falmouth on the 13th of December. 

His plans and the destination of his expedition were 
kept secret from even his own men, both for fear of rivals 
and of precautions on the part of his intended victims. 
Yet his designs were well matured; he would explore 
the Pacific for England, would either circumnavigate 
the world or return by the long sought northern pass; 
would attack Spanish commerce in a new and unpro- 
tected spot, and would return laden with booty and 
honors. There is no reason to doubt that his scheme 
was secretly supported by the favor and purse of 
Queen Elizabeth. 11 

Drake's operations on the coasts of South and Cen- 
tral America have been mentioned elsewhere. 12 With 
one vessel, the Golden Hind, so laden with booty that 
a continuation of his piratical cruise seemed a fool- 
hardy risk, a return to England by a southern route 
being for several reasons hazardous, Drake at last 
determined to seek a northern passage. With this 

11 The Hakluyt Society's edition of Drake's World Encompassed contains 
practically all that is known of this expedition; and is the only authority that 
need be referred to in this connection. 

12 See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. this scries. 


view, after refitting on a southern island and taking 
one or two additional prizes, he anchored at Guatulco 
in Oajaca in search of supplies. After some further 
outrages here, the freebooter, now adopting the role 
of explorer, sailed in April 1579 out into the Pacific 
north-westward. He did not touch the territory 
treated in this volume; yet the bearing of his expedi- 
tion on my present subject is obvious. Details of 
achievements in the north are fully treated in later 
volumes. 13 

The Golden Hind in June anchored in a bad bay 
somewhere between latitudes 42° and 48° according 
to different versions. Here it was resolved to aban- 
don the attempt to find the northern strait. Excessive 
cold was the obstacle which mainly forced the navi- 
gators to this course; and it was grossly exaggerated 
with a view not only to account for their failure, but to 
show that they had reached a very high latitude and 
to deter others from similar attempts. Then they fol- 
lowed the coast southward until between latitudes 37° 
and 38° they found " a conuenient and fit harborow," 
respecting the identity of which I shall have much to 
say in the proper place, and where they remained six 
weeks refitting. Drake also took possession of the 
country for Elizabeth, and named it Albion, and then 
started homeward across the broad Pacific, doubled 
Good Hope in June 1580, and, having accomplished 
the first circumnavigation of the globe, arrived at 
Plymouth in November, to be soon made Sir Francis 
for his achievements. 

One effect of this expedition was to confine English 
researches for the northern strait for a long time to 
the Atlantic side of the continent. In Mexico it was 
long before any even approximatively accurate idea 
was formed of Drake's doings; but on the contrary 
the most extravagant rumors were prevalent, and it 
was for years supposed that the Englishman had 

13 See Hist. Cal, i. 81 et seq.; Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 139 et seq. 


actually passed through the strait of Anian. Among 
the popular tales of the time was that of a pilot named 
Morena who claimed that, being sick and nigh unto 
death, he had been put on shore by Drake either in 
the strait or just before he entered it on his way to 
England, that he had recovered and had wandered 
through the country for four years until he came to 
Santa Barbara in Nueva Vizcaya by way of New 
Mexico. On the way, over five hundred leagues from 
the starting-point, the wanderer reached an arm of 
the sea separating New Mexico from a great western 
land where there were great towns and a nation of 
white men using horses. Thus did all these narrators 
of northern marvels unthinkingly "give themselves 
away" for the distant future. Morena told his story 
at the Sombrerete mines to Governor Rio, a man who 
was deeply interested in the Northern Mystery and 
therefore a credulous listener. 14 

By chance a record has been preserved of a Philip- 
pine voyage made a few years after Drake's departure. 
Francisco de Gali, having sailed from Acapulco in 
March 1582, left Macao on his return July 24, 1584. 
Following the usual northern route he sighted the 
American coast in latitude 37° 30', and followed the 
coast without anchoring to Acapulco. Gali made 
some observations respecting the currents and winds 
in the North Pacific; noted on reaching the coast a 
high and fair land covered with trees and free from 
snow; and in his course southward passed several 
islands, among which may be identified perhaps San 
Martin, Cedros, and the Tres Marias. The only im- 
portance of this voyage in the eyes of historical 
students has resulted apparently from an error of 
translation, by which the latitude given was trans- 
posed to 57° 30', thus involving the question of pri- 

14 Salmeron, Relaciones, 50-1, obtained his information from P. Ascension. 
Brake's voyage is often confounded with that of Cavendish by Mexicans, as 
in Cavo, Tres Siylos, i. 214-15. 


ority of discovery by Spain of a long stretch of 
coast. 15 

Another English voyage is next to be noted, simi- 
lar to that of Francis Drake in every respect save 
that open war between England and Spain covered 
with a kind of legal sanction many of the privateer's 
least outrageous acts. Thomas Cavendish after a long 
series of ravages on the southern coasts as far as 
Colima, arrived at Mazatlan, so called at the time, 
late in September 1588 with two ships well armed. 
Here the British obtained fruits, and repaired their 
craft at the islands near by, watched the while by a 
party of Spanish horsemen from the villa of San 
Sebastian de Chametla. Then Cavendish crossed 
over to Aguada Segura, later called San Bernabe, or 
Puerto del Cabo; lying oif and on near Cape San 
Lucas in wait for the galleon. That unfortunate 
vessel, the Santa Ana of seven hundred tons, com- 
manded by Tomas de Alzola, and laden with rich silks 
and other goods from the Indies besides 122,000 pesos 
in gold, hove in sight the 4th of November. After 
valiant defence the Spaniards were forced to yield; 
and the prize was towed into the cape harbor to be 
stripped of all her cargo that was worth the taking. 
The surviving victims, nearly two hundred in number, 
were put on shore while the Santa Ana was set on 
fire; but enough of her hulk remained unburned to 
carry the company to Acapulco. Meanwhile the 
victors went on their way rejoicing, and one of the 
ships being lost the other completed her voyage roumd 
the world. 16 

The apocryphal voyage of Lorenzo Ferrer de Mal- 

15 The original Spanish diary not being extant, our only knowledge of the 
voyage comes from a Dutch translation published in Linschoten, Reys-Ghech- 
rij'l, of which the first edition appeared in 1596 according to Brunet. See also 
Hist. Cal. y i. 94, this series. 

16 Pretty 1 's Admirable and Prosperous Voyage of the Worship/nil Master 
Thomas Candish. In Halduyt's Voy.,iii. 803-25. Cavendish's exploits are 
fully described in Hist. Ilex., ii. 740 et se([., this series. 


donado is entitled chronologically to brief mention 
here under date of 1588: although the claim seems 
not to have been made publicly until 1G09, and its 
effect on the popular imagination with the discussions 
it provoked — the only reality connected with it — 
should perhaps be placed much later. Maldonado 
professed to have entered the strait on the coast of 
Labrador; to have followed its windings up to 75°, 
and down again to its Pacific mouth in 60°; to have 
followed the Pacific coast south-east to 55°; to have 
crossed the Mar del Sur westward one hundred and 
twenty leagues until he saw land; and finally to have 
returned by the same route. There was evidence to 
prove the man a liar and his story a pure fabrication 
long before actual exploration had demonstrated the 
non-existence of the strait he describes. Now that 
northern geography is no longer mysterious in navi- 
gable latitudes the voluminous reasonings of the past 
respecting Maldonado's pretensions merit attention 
only as a curiosity of literature. The narrative will, 
however, claim some notice with other northern fables 
in another volume. 17 

The story of Juan de Fuca was similar to that of 
Maldonado in many respects; but there have been 
those in recent times who believed in its truth. As 
told to Michael Lok at Venice in 1596 it was in sub- 
stance as follows: Fuca had long served Spain as 
sailor and pilot, and had been on board the Santa 
Ana when captured by Cavendish, losing $60,000 at 
that time. Later he went as pilot in a fleet of three 
vessels, with three hundred men sent by the viceroy 
to find the strait of Anian and fortify it against the 
English; but mutiny prevented success, and the fleet 
returned from the California coast. A little later, 
however, in 1592, he was sent out again by the viceroy 
with two vessels manned by sailors only. He fol- 

17 See Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 92 et seq. ; Maldonado, Relation. See also 
for a good statement of the subjeet Navarrete, Viayes Apocrifos. 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 10 


lowed the coast northward until between 47° and 48° 
he found a strait about a hundred miles wide at the 
mouth, through which he sailed in various courses 
until he came to the Atlantic. Then having effected 
his purpose he returned — after ascertaining the coun- 
try on the strait to be rich in gold, silver, and pearls — • 
to Acapulco in the same year. Failing to obtain a 
reward for his services from Spain, he was willing to 
give England the benefit of his great discovery, to 
which end negotiations were opened but came to 
nothing. 1S 

There is some evidence that Fuca was, like Mal- 
donado, a real personage; but not a word respecting 
either of the voyages described, though both are said 
to have been fitted out by the authority of the vice- 
roy, has ever been found in the Spanish archives, or 
elsewhere except in Fuca's own statement. Circum- 
stantial evidence is all against the truth of that state- 
ment. Similar tales were very common' among Spanish 
pilots at the time, when few doubted the existence of 
a strait north of 43°. Each desired an opportunity 
to search for the strait and for fame at public expense, 
and few hesitated at falsehood to gratify their ambi- 
tion. Fuca, old, poor, and disappointed like the rest 
in this respect, was fortunate enough to fall in with 
a man interested in promoting English discoveries. 
To him he could make the claim, absurd to Spanish 
ears, that he had discovered the strait in an official 
expedition ; and shrewdly affirm that Spain was keep- 
ing the discovery secret through jealousy of England. 
He had manifest advantages over his confreres in 
New Spain, who had to invent stories of mysterious 
shipwrecks on the Atlantic coast; but there is not 
the slightest reason to suppose that this tale was any- 
thing but pure fiction. I shall be obliged, however, 
to present the argument in full elsewhere. 19 The 
pilot's fiction w T as in one respect a brilliant success; for 

ls Lok's note in Purchas, Hi* Pilgrimes, iii. 849-52. 
19 See Hist. Nortlncest Coast, i. 78 et seq., this series. 


lias it not immortalized his name by attaching it to 
an inlet of the Northwest Coast? 

It is remarkable that, with one or more vessels 
following each year the Philippine route and coming 
regularly in sight of the California coast, more ener- 
getic efforts were not made to find an available port. 
Nevertheless we have but one record of such an 
attempt, that of Sebastian Rodriguez Cermenon, de- 
spatched from Manila in 1595 for the express purpose 
of exploring the coast. Of the result we know only 
that his vessel, the San Agustin, ran ashore in what 
was named at the time Sau Francisco Port, since 
known as Drake Bay. Whether the ship escaped 
after being lightened of her cargo or was accompanied 
by a tender on which the crew escaped is not recorded; 
but Cermenon's pilot Bolahos lived to visit the port 
again with Vizcaino in 1G03, and his statement is all 
there is extant on the voyage. It is not impossible 
that some additional results of the expedition were 
intentionally kept secret by the government; at any 
rate no record has ever come to light in the archives. 20 

After the capture of the Santa Ana by Cavendish 
the urgent necessity of occupying California for the 
protection of the Manila trade became more than ever 
apparent to the Spanish government. Not only were 
measures adopted, as we have seen, for the exploration 
of the northern coast, resulting in the voyage of the 
San Agustin, but in 1594 Viceroy Velasco, probably 
by royal instructions, contracted with Sebastian Viz- 
caino to explore anew and occupy for Spain the Islas 
Californias. Velasco's successor, the count of Mon- 
terey, ratified the contract and despatched the expedi- 
tion in, 1597. 21 

™Torquemada, i. 717-18; Ascension, lid. Breve., 558; Cabrera Bueno, Nav. 
Espec, 303. See /list. CaL, i. 90, this series. 

21 According to Vizcaino, Relation del Viaje, 1611-14, 101-2, Don Sebas- 
tian was a son of Viceroy Velasco. Torquemada, followed apparently by all 
other writers, states that in 1590 the king ordered Viceroy Monterey to send 


Vizcaino sailed from Acapuleo with three vessels, 
a large force, and four Franciscan friars. 22 He touched 
at Salagua, where a part of his men were taken on 
board, at San Sebastian, and at the Mazatlan isles. 23 
At the latter place fifty men deserted, thinking the 
supplies inadequate; and here also Father Balda turned 
back, ill and dreading the voyage and prospective ex- 
posure. 24 Five days farther up they left the coast and 
next day sighted California, their land of promise. 
A little later one hundred men were landed and were 
well received ; but the spot did not seem suited to the 
requirements of a colony, and the fleet passed on 
apparently northward to a port named San Sebastian, 
where a stay of fifteen days 25 w T as made, and where 
after deliberation by a junta of officials it was deter- 
mined to take formal possession of the country. A 
multitude of aborigines witnessed the hoisting of the 
Spanish flag, and listened to an artillery salute. 

One of the friars was sent with thirty soldiers to 
explore the interior, finding the people well enough 
disposed though unwilling that the strangers should 
enter their dwellings, many of which were observed 
to be underground. They furnished food and a few 
pearls, and the rancherias near the camp showed no 
signs of hostility while the Spaniards remained; but 
fresh water was not plentiful, and it was deemed best 
not to settle permanently at San Sebastian. Neither 

Vizcaino to California, and that the expedition was made the same year. All the 
evidence I have to the contrary is a royal c6dula of Aug. 2, 1G28, in Doc. Hist. 
Mex., scries ii., iii. 442-3, in which the king states the facts as I have given 
them, adding that Monterey ordered Vizcaino to fulfil his contract, ' no em- 
bargante que en la sustancia y capacidad de su persona, hallo algunos incon- 
venicntes.' Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 89-91, tells us without any known 
authority that Vizcaino had been on the Scmta Ana captured by Cavendish. 

22 Padres Francisco dc Balda (comisario), Diego Perdomo, Bernardino Zaimi- 
dio, Nicolas de Saravia, and Br. Nicolas (or Cristobal) Lopez. Salmeron, li* la- 
ctones, 12-13, says all were Franciscans by royal order. Alegre, Hist. Co?np. 
Jesus, i. 311, tells us that both the viceroy and Vizcaino preferred Jesuits, 
but missionaries of that order were scarce and could not be obtained. A 
Franciscan Crdnica, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. xlviii.-ix., includes P. Tello, 
the historian, in the number. 

23 Niel, Apunt., GO, puts Matanchier (Matanchel) in place of Mazatlan. 

21 He "was succeeded as comisario by Padre Perdomo, and later by Padre 

25 Torquemada mentions both 15 and 8 days. 


the women nor the horses were landed at all, and after 
some preliminary explorations by one of the vessels, 
the fleet moved on to a port named from the peaceful 
character of the natives La Paz, a name it has since 
retained, being also identical probably with the Santa 
Cruz of Cortes, since a tradition of former visitors was 
retained, and even some material relics were found in 
the shape of iron fragments and traces of an encamp- 
ment. 26 

Immediately on landing temporary dwellings were 
built of branches, and a little church, all protected by 
a rude barricade of trees. The encampment was sol- 
emnly proclaimed capital of the new province, and the 
work of permanent occupation was begu n. The natives 
came in great numbers and were kindly treated by the 
friars, who succeeded in obtaining many of their chil- 
dren for instruction. The soldiers, as was not unusual 
in these expeditions, were disliked and feared by the 
people, whom, and especially the women, they took 
but little pains to treat with justice. Not much prog- 
ress was made in the work of conversion, since the 
time, only two months, was too short to master the 

The almiranta with her boat was sent up the gulf 
coast and is said to have advanced nearly one hundred 
leagues. 27 The explorers landed frequently and were 
for the most part kindly received, but at a few points 
were threatened. At one landing about fifty leagues 
above La Paz 23 arrows were discharged at the Span- 
iards, w T ho replied with musket-shots, killing two or 
three natives. The rest fled to the woods and the 
navigators proceeded to reembark, one boat-load 

26 Some suspected that the relics were left by Englishmen. The presence 
of any Englishman at La Paz before this date is, however, very doubtful, and 
the same remark may be made respecting all rumors of visits from Pichilin- 
gues save those specially noticed in this and the next chapters. 

27 Salmeron tells us that Lope de Argiiclles (Quiiiones) was in command 
and that he reached 30°. Niel, Apunt., 77, says he did not go beyond San 
Bruno and the Coronados Isles. 

28 Xavarrete and others imply that the fight was at the highest latitude 


going off safely to the ship; but the remaining twenty- 
four men just as they had entered the boat were 
attacked by five hundred natives; nineteen of the 
soldiers perished, the boat having been capsized in 
the melee, while five, badly wounded with arrows or 
stones, escaped by swimming to the ship, the crew 
of which for want of a boat had been unable to render 
any aid. 29 During this northern trip no better country 
was found than that in the region of La Paz, although 
some fertile isles, and good j^orts, and very rich come- 
deros, or pearl-beds, were reported. The explorers 
returned for want of food, and they found Vizcaino 
and his men also living on short rations. There being 
no reliable source of food-supply in the country, a 
junta of officers advised a return to Mexico. Not a 
few opposed this measure, probably willing to. risk 
hunger in view of the pearl prospects, 30 but before the 
question was definitely settled there came a norther 
and a fire which laid the camp in ashes and left barely 
food enough for the return voyage. 31 

Vizcaino sent the capitana with most of the colony 
to Acapulco, the vessel touching at Chametla and 
Colima on the way; while he with a few men set sail 
in another direction with a view to further discoveries; 
but he arrived at Acapulco only a few days later 
than his companions. 32 Thus failed the second at- 

29 According to Ortega, Relation, 438, the Indian attack was caused by the 
act of one Gines, who seized a large pearl from the breast of a native girl. 
He was afterward hanged in Mexico for other crimes. 

30 Padre Zamudio told Salmeron, Eelaciones, 12-13, that the men secured 
many pearls until Vizcaino forced them to show their gains that the king's 
fifth might be separated, after which they refused to search further. 

31 Aparicio, Conventos, 284-98, says the Spaniards were forced tojevacuate 
La Paz by the natives, who were rendered hostile by the act elsewhere attrib- 
uted (see note 29) to the troubles farther north. This author, moreover, adds 
the charms of romance to his version. It seems that Don Lope, a page of the 
viceroy, loved Dona Elvira, who at last promised him her hand if he could re- 
place a magnificent pearl she had lost. With this in view Lope joined Viz- 
caino's expedition, and at last saw the pearl which would bring him hajminess 
in the lip of a chieftain's daughter. Entreaties availed him nothing and he 
took the treasure by force. By this act California was for the time lost to 
Spain, but the lover gained his bride, who after the marriage naively con- 
fessed she had lost no pearl at all ! 

32 Taylor, Hist. Summary, 23-4, says the return was in October. 



tempt to settle the arid peninsula, which, however, 
lost by this voyage none of its mysterious and at- 
tractive attributes ; for the reports of great riches in 
pearls assumed more definite shape than ever before, 
while the starved-out adventurers still talked of maize 
in immense quantities a little beyond the limit of 
their navigation. 33 Thus end the maritime and inland 

Ipss!^ ^^Cy LI A CAN 

** " ~ - / ^__<=9^2J3^ W'^* 

Lok's Map, 1582. 

annals of the first century of north-western conquest. 
It is to be noted that, notwithstanding the frequent 
use of the term Islas Californias, the country was re- 
garded as a peninsula from the time of Ulloa and 
Alarcon down to the end of the century and consider- 
ably later. Castillo's map of 1541 has been repro- 

33 The standard authority for Vizcaino's voyage is Torquemacla, Mon. 
Ind. t i. 682-G. Navarrete, Sutily Mex., lvii.-x., adds nothing, although he 
claims to have seen some original papers. Authorities which show some 
slight variations have been mentioned in preceding notes; those who follow 
Torquemada, giving his version in full, are: Venegas, Not. Cal., i. 183-9; 
Clavigero, Stor. Cal., 155-7; March y Labores, Marina Espanola, 488-91; 
Cortes, Hist. N. Espana, 32G; Mofras, Explor., i. 100-1; Cavo, Tres Sighs, 
i. 227; Doc. Hist. Mex., series iv., v. 8-9; Calle, Not., 108-9; Burners Citron. 
Hist.,u. 182-5; Forster's Hist. Voy., 452-3; TuthiWs Hist. Cal., 28-9; Glee- 
son's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 78-80; Shea's Cath. Miss., 88. 



ducecl ill an earlier chapter. 34 Michael Lok's map of 
1582, reproduced on the next preceding page, 35 con- 
nects the peninsula to the main by a narrow isthmus, 
turning the coast abruptly eastward just above the 
junction; but the Wytfliet-Ptolemy map of 1597, with 

Wytfliet-Ptolemy Map, 1597. 

a variety of curious geographical developments, leaves 
no doubt as to the author's intention to make Cali- 
fornia a peninsula. 36 

34 See p. 81 of this volume. 

^HakluyVs Divers Voycujes, 55. 

36 Wytfliet (Com.) Dixcrtptiouis Ptolemalcce Avgmcntum. 




Vizcaino's Second Expedition — Outer Peninsula Coast — Up to Lati- 
tude 43° — Lateh Projects— California an Island— Interest in the 
North-west — Vizcaino's Third Voyage— Onate at the Head of the 
Gulf — Cardona's Contract and Voyages— Juan de Iturbe — Pichi- 
ltngues on the Coast — Spilberg's Cruise — Memorial of Padre As- 
cension — Dutch Map— Arellano's Claim— Private Pearl Voyages — 
Melchor de Lezama — Petition of Bastan — Views of Salmeron — 
Three Expeditions by Francisco de Ortega — Third Colony at La 
Paz— Original Records — First of the Jesuits — Estevan Carbonel 
in the Gulf — D'Avity's Map. 

Sebastian Vizcaino had failed to found a permanent 
settlement in California, yet he was deemed the best 
man to put in command of the new expedition up the 
outer coast, ordered by the king by cedula of Septem- 
ber 27, 1599, the special object being to search the coast 
for a harbor, where the Manila galleon might anchor 
and her scurvy- stricken crew find relief. 1 No ex- 
pense was to be spared in the effort; accordingly more 
than ordinary care was exercised in the selection of 
vessels and men. The fleet consisted of two navios 
obtained from Guatemala, a fragata built for the voy- 
age, and a lanclia, Vizcaino as capitan general sailed 
on the capitan a, San Diego; Toribio Gomez de Cor- 
van as admiral on the Santo Tomds; 2 while the Tres 

1 According to c6dula of Aug. 2, 1628, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series ii., iii. 
443, and that of Aug. 19, 1G06, in Venegas, Not. Co/., i. 104-4, Vizcaino was 
strictly forbidden to enter the gulf. Ascension, Relation, . r )42, says that he 
had orders to explore the gulf on his return. 

2 The vessels are usually spoken of as the capitana and almiranta, and not 
a few modern writers have evidently mistaken these terms fur their names. 



Reyes was under Alferez Martin Aguilar and Pilot 
Antonio Flores. The force was nearly two hundred 
picked men, many of whom were skilful sailors, and 
also soldiers. 3 Three barefooted Carmelites had charge 
of religious interests, padres Andres de la Asuncion, 
Tomas de Aquino, and Antonio cle la Ascension/ the 
first serving as comisario and the last charged with 
keeping the diary and serving with Palacios as cos- 
mographer and map-maker. The leader having been 
directed by the viceroy to consult his officers on all 
matters of moment, and duly admonished respecting 
his duties and responsibilities in other directions, left 
Mexico on March 7th, and sailed from Acapulco 
under the patronage of Our Lady of Carmen on 
Sunday May 5, 1G02, at 4. p.'m. 5 

3 Other officers were Capt. Alvaro, EsteVan Peguero (Pesquero or Piquero), 
Capt. Gaspar (or Pascual) de Alarcon, Capt. Geronimo Martin Palacios, cos- 
mographer; alfereces, Juan Francisco Suriano, Sebastian Melendez, and Juan 
de Acebedo Tejeda; pilots, Francisco Bolanos, Baltasar de Armas, and Juan 
Pascual; sergeants, Miguel de Legar and Juan de Castillo Bueno; corporals, 
Estevan Lopez and Francisco Vidal. 

4 Called also Asuncion in his own narrative as printed, but this is probably 
a typographical error. 

5 The most complete narrative is that given in Torquemada, i. 694-726, 
probably almost identical with the original diary of Ascension. The only 
printed account in the friar's words is Ascension, Relation Breve en que se da 
noticia del desevbrimiento, etc., in Pacheco, Col. Doc., viii. 539-74. This is 
dated Oct. 12, 1620, and was sent to the king in December of the same year. 
It is an essay on the geography, people, and products of the Calif ornias, ' 
written with a view of promoting further attempts, but contains information 
about the voyage itself. The author says he wrote a complete narrative and 
made a map, besides a short account for the king. Casanate, Carta Bel., 27, 
says Ascension wrote three papers on the subject besides one that was 
printed. Navarrete found in the archives certified copies of the following 
original papers: Record of the councils held during the voj'age; a circum- 
stantial diary; an itinerary made in 1602 by Palacios, approved by pilots and 
by Ascension (doubtless the one sent from Monterey), and 32 maps of the 
coast explored. Considering his advantages this writer, Sutll y Mex., introd., 
lx.-lxviii., gives an account which is hardly satisfactory, containing some 
errors, and very far from being complete; but he has published a reduction of 
the charts, Atlas No. 4, which Burney has reproduced and which I give 
herewith. Salmcron, llelaciones, 14-21, was personally acquainted with 
Ascension and with others of Vizcaino's companions. In his cCdula of Aug. 
2, 1628, Doc. Hist. Mex., sdrie ii., iii. 443, the king gives some points con- 
nected with the voyage, and speaks of Vizcaino's letter from Monterey dated 
Dec. 28, 1602. Venegas, Not. Cat., i. 193-201, gives a royal order of Aug. 
19, 1606, which contains original information. And finally Cabrera Bueno, 
in his Navegacion Dspecidatira, Manila, 1734, 302-13, has a Derrota desde 
el Cabo de Mendocino hasta el %>uerlo de Acapulco por la Costa, which contains 
the results of this expedition. 

The above are the original authorities; the following accounts, more or 


Explorations were to begin at the point of Cali- 
fornia, and the fleet anchored June 11th in the port 
of San Bernabe, 6 or Puerto del Cabo. Here began 
the marvels inseparable from northern voyages. A 
miraculous lighting-up of the air saved them from 
wreck off the cape in a dense fog; the natives, pleased 
to see a negro on board, said they were accustomed to 
intercourse with people of that race ; the country was 
most fertile, the climate all that could be desired, and 
indications of wealth were abundant. It is remarka- 
ble what charms the sterile peninsula had in these 
times for all save such as were called upon to settle 
there. The devil, to adopt the chronicler's opinion, 
was averse to the Spaniards' departure, involving as 
it did the invasion of his northern realms; but after 
three vain attempts, a fourth was more successful, and 
the longr-boat having been abandoned, the three vessels 
set sail on the 5th of July. 

The outer coast of the peninsula having been already 
explored by Ulloa and Cabrillo, and the separation 
of Vizcaino's vessels during a greater part of the 
voyage causing no little confusion, I refer the student 
of geographical details to a note and to Vizcaino's 
map which accompanies this narrative. 7 A few well 

less extensive, were taken from Torquemada, either directly or through Vene- 
gas or his followers, a few writers having also consulted Navarrete: March 
y Labores, Marina Espahola, ii. 491-506; Venegas, Not. Cat, iii. 22-139; 
Clavigero, Stor. Cal., 157-9; Espinosa, in Soc. Mex. Geog., v. 429-46; Cavo, 
Tres Siglos, i. 238-9; Cal. Estab. y Prog., 9-10; Navarrete, Viajes Apoc., 45; 
Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist., 326-7; Taylor's Hist. Summary, 24-7; Burney's 
Chron. Hist., ii. 236-59; Mofras, Explor., i. 100, etc., 328; Humboldt, E*s. 
Pol., 330; Greenhorn's Or. and Cal., 44-6; Twiss' Or. Quest., 63; Forster's 
Hist. Voy., 452-3; TuthilVs Hist. Cal., 29-36; Frignet, La Cal., 13; Gleeson's 
Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 80-1; Lardner's Hist. Mar. Discov., ii. 285-6; Cronhes 
Nat. Wealth, 6-9; Bartlett's Pers. Narr., ii. 88, 98-100; Shea's Cath. Miss., 
88; Walpole's Four Years, ii. 212; Robinson's Life Cal., 2; Arner. Quart. Peg., 
ii. 150; Cal. Past, Present, etc., 53-4; Campbell's Span. Amer., 84; Farn- 
ham's Life Cal., 127-48; Sqmmlung tier Reise, xvii. 159. 

6 So named from the day. On the way they had stopped for repairs at 
Natividad May 19th-22d, sighted Cape Corrientes May 26th, passed Mazatlan 
June 2d, and arrived off C. San Lucas June 9th. Taylor, Hist. Summary, 
24-5, makes the arrival at S. Bernabe June 14th. 

7 The points are given as nearly in the order in which they were visited 
as possible, according to Torquemada's text. The names italicized do not 
appear on the map: 

Cape San Lucas. 



_ < Sto. Domingo la Magdalena 

Morro de Eusenada 

Vizcaino's Map, 1G03. 


known points may be identified; but the imperfections 
of the best modern charts, frequent changes and con- 
sequent confusion in names, and the vagueness of 
Torquemada's text render futile any attempt at geo- 
graphical exactitude. 

In doubling the cape the fragata was separated from 
her companions and was forced back to San Bernabe ; 

Sierra del Enj ado (14 1. s. e. \ e. from B. Marinas in 23°. Cabrera Bur no). 

B. Engaiiosa de Sta Marina, the southern entrance to Magdalena B. (24°. 
Cabrera, Bueno.) 

B. de Magdelena, also called Puerto de Santiago and Puerto del Marques 
(2.5°. Cabrera Bueno. The Pt Trinidad of Ulloa and Cabrillo was on the island 
that forms this bay. Navarrete. Ulloa's San Abad. Burnet/). Named Magda- 
lena by Cabrillo, and also by Vizcaino from the day of arrival. 

B. de San Cristobal at the mouth of a river (Taylor notes that there are 
three winter streams n. of Magdalena). 

B. de Ballcnas, a part of Magdalena according to map, but not apparently 
according to text (near Abreojos in 27° 15'? Cabrera Bueno). 

Sierra, de losSlete Infantes 

Isla de la Asuncion (Cabrillo's Santa Ana. Navarrete. A few leagues 
below Turtle B. Taylor. 28° scant. Cabrera Bueno.) Possibly the Inocentes 
of Castillo's map. 

Isla de San Roque. 

Puerto de San Bartolome\ just below Cedros Isl. (12 leagues from Nativi- 
dad? in 28° 30'. Cabrera Bueno. Cabrillo's San Pedro Viiicn la. Navarrete). 

Isla de Natividad, Cabrillo's and perhaps Ulloa's San Est6van (0 1. s. e. 
of 0. San Agustin. Cabrera Bueno). 

Isla de Cerros, the Cedros of Ulloa and Cabrillo (middle of isl. in 29°. 
Cabrera Bueno). 

Cape San Agustin on Cerros Isl. 

B. San HlpoUto (San Francisco near Rosario. Taylor). 

Eusenada de San Cosme y San Damian. (San Quintin. Taylor. Opposite 
San Bruno. Niel, Apunt., 70.) 

Mesas de San Cipriano (M. de Juan Gomez. Cabrera Bueno). 

Punta del Engaiio, so called by Ulloa and Cabrillo. (Cape Colnett. Taylor. 
Navarrete identifies Cabrillo's Pt Engaiio with the cabo bajo of Vizcaino's 
map. ) 

Ida de Cenkas (31° 20' 4 1. s. e. | s. of S. Marcos. Cabrera Bueno). 

B. de San Francisco, still so called (at foot of and s. e. of Mesas de Juan 
Gomez. Cabrera Bueno). 

Isla dc San Geronimo, Cabrillo's San Bernardo and still so called (31° 30' 
s. E. J s. from Virgin Bay. Cabrera Bueno). 

Isla de Pdjaros. 

B. de Once Mil Virgenes (Cabrille's Puerto de Posesion. Navarrete. 31° 
40' 3 1. from San Marcos. Cabrera Bueno). 

Ida de San Jlllario (30°. Niel. Navarrete and Cabrera Bueno both mention 
Isla de San Marcos here). 

B. de San Simon y Judas (San Jude, near Mission San Vicente. Taylor. 
S. Quintin. Cabrera Bueno). 

B. de Todos Santos (Cabrillo's San Mateo. Navarrete. s. e. £ s. from S. 
Martin, 32°. Cabrera Bueno). Still called Todos Santos. 

Islas Coronada*, Islas Desiertas of Cabrillo. (San Martin, called by San 
Bias Exped. Coronados. Sutil y Mex., app., 14-15. S. Martin 1. from San 
Diego. Cabrera Bueno.) 

San Diego. Cabrillo's San Miguel. 


but she rejoined the capitana at Magdalena Bay 
late in July, the almiranta having in her turn parted 
from her consort at the entrance of that bay on July 
20th, and the whole fleet not being reunited until Au- 
gust 31st at Cerros Island, 8 which the Santo Tomds 
had reached as early as the 19th. Farther north a 
furious storm caused imminent risk of shipwreck, 
especially to the almiranta ; but all obstacles were 
overcome; on November 5th the fleet entered Todos 
Santos Bay; and five clays later anchored in the port 
of San Diego, formerly called San Miguel. 

The voyage had been a long and tedious one, but 
beyond the petty details incident to such navigation 
there is nothing that calls for special notice. The 
natives were for the most part shy and kept aloof; 
but their signal-smokes were often seen in the moun- 
tains. At Cerros Island they refused all intercourse 
with the Spaniards; at San Simon Bay they were 
hostile, discharged their arrows, and received in return 
a volley which killed several; bub at Virgin Bay they 
were exceedingly hospitable and spoke of other bearded 
men armed with muskets then in the interior, referring 
as the voyagers supposed to Onate's men in New 
Mexico. An abundance of " ill-smelling bitumen," 
doubtless asphaltum, was thought to be amber; and 
so far as could be determined by a Peruvian miner on 
board, the sierras seen at a distance seemed rich in 
gold and silver! 

The rest of this voyage, as in the case of Cabrillo's 
earlier navigation of the same waters, belongs in its 
minor particulars of geography and adventure to the 
history of Alta California. 9 Only its main features 
as a voyage to the north-west claim attention at pres- 
ent. The fleet left San Diego November 20th, several 
men having already died and many being unfit for 
duty from the effects of scurvy. Touching at Santa 

8 Navarrete incorrectly states that the almiranta joined the capitana at 
Magdalena Bay July 25th. 

v See Hist. Cat., i. 97 et scq.; Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 14G et seq. for full 
details of the northern voyage. 


.Catalina Island, and passing through the Santa Bar- 
bara Channel, so named at the time, the navigators 
sighted the Santa Lucia range on December 14th at 
a point where it had often been seen by the Manila 
ships before; and on the lGth they anchored in Mon- 
terey Bay. From this port the almiranta was sent 
back to Acapulco under Corvan, bearing the sick, 
with reports and appeals for aid. The other ships 
went on at the beginning of 1603. Vizcaino entered 
Cermenon's San Francisco, and the vessels did not 
meet again in the north. Both advanced, however, 
beyond Cape Mendocino, and each reached a Cape 
Blanco located in latitude 42° and 43° respectively. 
Aguilar thought he saw a great river near that point. 
They turned back in rough weather in the middle of 

The Santo Tomds from Monterey lost twenty-five 
men from scurvy on the voyage to Acapulco, only 
Captain Corvan and two companions landing in health. 
The San Diego reached Mazatlan in February. Had 
no relief been obtained here all must have perished; 
but the general with five men who could walk started 
inland with a hope of reaching San Sebastian de 
Chametla, supposed to be about eight leagues distant. 
He was so fortunate as to strike the Culiacan trail 
and to meet a mule-train whose arrieros took him to 
the presence of Captain Martin Buiz de Aguirre, al- 
calde mayor of the province, who at once sent relief 
to the afflicted in the way of fresh food, vegetables, 
fruits, and especially the jocohuitztles to which above 
all else they attributed their cure. A courier hav- 
ing been sent overland to Mexico, the travellers set 
sail March 9th, and on the twenty-first arrived safely 
at Acapulco. Aguilar and Flores of the Tres Reyes 
died on the southern trip, but Corporal Estevan Lo- 
pez with four men arrived at Navidad while Vizcaino 
was at Mazatlan. The total of deaths on all the ves- 
sels was forty-eight. 

With the exception of having discovered Monterey 


Bay, represented as a good harbor and well adapted 
to the needs of the galleons, Vizcaino had in realit}^ 
as a discoverer accomplished less than Cabrillo sixty 
years before; but the results of his expedition, unlike 
those of Cabrillo's, were preserved and made known to 
the world through the writings of Torqucmacia and 
Cabrera Bueno. The general features of the coast 
from San Lucas to Mendocino were now tolerably 
well known; and the knowledge thus gained had to 
suffice for a century and a half. 

It is worthy of notice that Vizcaino's voyage, not- 
withstanding the careful survey of the outer coast, 
instead of dispelling the popular fallacies of imaginary 
northern geography, had rather the contrary tendency. 
Torquemada contents himself with expressing the 
opinion in general terms that the mouth of Aguilar's 
river was at the entrance of the strait leading to the 
North Sea; but Padre Ascension, both in his written 
narratives and memorials, and especially in his con- 
versation with officials and friars after his return, 
spoke of the existence and location of the strait as 
facts no longer susceptible of doubt; and not only this, 
but he stated that the gulf of California was in reality 
a strait which opened into the Pacific at or near the 
mouth of the Anian Strait in 43°, thus making of the 
Californias an immense island. These statements had 
much to do with the long-lasting idea of California's 
insular character, and they also serve in connection 
with reports of pearl-fisheries to explain why subse- 
quent explorations were directed so exclusively to the 
gulf, while the outer coast was neglected. 

From Vizcaino's return down to the permanent oc- 
cupation of the peninsula, ninety-four years later, the 
subject was kept almost constantly before the viceroy, 
audiencia, and the court, by a succession of memorials 
either offered voluntarily or in response to calls of the 
government for information by men who were theoret- 
ically or practically acquainted with what had already 


been done. Friars worked for the extension of their 
fields of missionary labor, with a view to increase the 
influence and wealth of their respective orders; and 
they never allowed the authorities to forget the thou- 
sands of natives awaiting spiritual aid, the superiority 
of the northern tribes, and the civilized peoples to be 
found a little farther on. Navigators, hungry for 
fame and adventures, dwelt on the importance to every 
royal interest of an accurate survey, and of precau- 
tions against foreign schemes ; being uniformly willing 
to sacrifice their own to the nation's interests, and to 
take command of a new expedition. Traders and 
seekers for pearls and precious metals were enthusi- 
astic respecting the grand discoveries and grander 
reports of northern wealth, and the prospective glories 
of Spanish commerce; and they too were entirely 
willing to undertake explorations, simply asking license 
to pay expenses by pearl-diving on the way. 

Thus all the classes mentioned, and others with 
individual interests more or less clearly defined, urged 
their own views; but each class warmly approved the 
views of all the rest, and all devoted a very large part 
of their memorials to the fables and vagaries of the 
Northern Mystery. To these cosmographical fancies 
a future chapter will be devoted; statements of the 
memorialists respecting what had already been accom- 
plished in the direction of their aspirations are but 
versions, often inaccurate and always incomplete, of 
the narratives already before the reader, in the prepa- 
ration of which narratives they have been utilized; 
and finally the several propositions in their real and 
practical aspects are to be noticed in the following 
pages, together with the expeditions that resulted 
from them. 

Vizcaino's share in the promotion of northern enter- 
prises is not well known. We are told that he retained 
his faith in the practicability of settling the Califor- 
nias, and applied to the viceroy for license to under- 
take a new entrada. The viceroy refusing to grant 

Hist. N. Mex. Sta:es, Vol. I. 11 


bis petition unless supported by royal sanction, tbe 
general went to Spain and urged bis scbemes at court. 
The royal council, bearing in mind past failures and 
timid about incurring expense, delayed its approval so 
long on tbe plea of making additional investigations, 
that tbe navigator came back disheartened to Mexico. 
In 1606, however, the consejo and royal cosmographer 
arrived at their tardy conclusion, and on the 19th of 
August were issued the king's orders to Viceroy Mon- 
tesclaros and to Pedro de Acuna, governor of tbe Phil- 
ippines, by the terms of which Vizcaino, if alive and to 
be found, or if not his admiral, was to be put in com- 
mand of a new expedition. 

The leader and pilots were to sail on the galleon of 
1607 and to approach Monterey from the west for 
additional survey, while the port was to be settled and 
made a station for the Manila ships in 1608, also by 
a voyage from the west. 10 Don Sebastian was easily 
found, and was disposed to accept the trust, but the 
generally accepted version has been that, for some un- 
known reason, perhaps connected with the viceroy's 
death in 1607, the king's orders were not carried out, 
most writers also adding that Vizcaino died before 
the preparations were completed. All this, however, 
is erroneous. Vizcaino actually sailed from Acapulco 
in March 1611 on the San Francisco. But mean- 
while reports of certain "Islas Picas de Oro y Plata" 
in the far west seem to have rendered the occupation 
of the north-west coast for the time a secondary 
consideration; and the general went as ambassador 
to Japan to seek license for further explorations in 
that region. Probably it was still intended to take 
steps on his return for the occupation of Monterey; 
but his experience in Japan was so disastrous, the 
complicated details having no bearing on tbe present 

10 Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 191-201, gives the cedula in full. Extracts also 
in Fricjnet, La CaL, 14-18. The date is given as 1609 in CaL Estab. y Prog., 
9-10, but Montesclaros was not viceroy in that year. See also Clavhjero, Stor. 
CaL, i. 159-00. 


subject, that Vizcaino was obliged in poor health to 
give up all his projects and to return as a passenger 
on his own ship in 1613. The return was by the 
usual northern route, the California coast was sighted 
in December, and finally the San Francisco arrived 
at Zacatula in January 1614. This seems to have 
been the end of Vizcaino's career as an explorer. 11 

It may be well to note in passing, that in 1605 
Governor Onate, with a party from New Mexico, 
came down the Colorado and reached the hea,d of the 
gulf as elsewhere narrated. 12 His observations and 
reports obtained by him from the natives seemed to 
favor the theory of a strait from gulf to ocean. It 
was in 1609 that Maldonado set forth his views 
already noted. 13 They were not more absurd than 
than those entertained by others at the time; but 
while others aired their theories, he described what he 
falsely claimed to have seen. His statements created 
no sensation. A few were well acquainted with the 
man's character; and to others it seemed not a very 
great achievement to sail through a strait, the exist- 
ence of which was so well known. 

About 1610 a contract seems to have been formed 
between the king and Captain Tomas Cardona, by 
which the latter undertook certain naval, exploring, 
and pearl-seeking operations both in the Atlantic and 
Pacific. Work was begun in 1613, and Captain Tomas 
with his nephew Nicolas Cardona as second in com- 
mand, cruised for a year in the Leeward Isles and on 
the coast of Tierra Firme. Francisco Basilio had been 

11 Vizcaino, Relation del Viarje hecho para el desciibrimiento de las islas 
llamadas Rices de Oro y Plata, 1611-14- In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, 
viii. 101-99. The royal cedula of 1628, in Doc. Hist. Ilex. , serie ii. torn. iii. 443, 
is made to say that Vizcaino visited Spain in 1613. This must be a misprint, 
but Cardona, Memorial, 46, says that Sebastian Vizcaino commanded at Sala- 
gua in 1616, when the place was attacked by Dutch pirates, and that he, the 
writer, served under him. 

12 See Hist. New Mex. and Ariz., this series. 

13 See p. 144 of this volume. 


in charge of the enterprise in the Pacific, but he died, 
and Nicolas Cardona was sent in 1614 to take com- 
mand jointly with. Juan de Iturbe and Sergeant Pedro 
Alvarez de Rosales. Three ships were built at Aca- 
pulco. The pichilingues, or foreign pirates, were, how- 
ever, reported to be on the coast, and an attack on 
Acapulco was feared, so that Cardona with his men was 
obliged to aid in preparations for defence, although no 
pirates appeared. 

March 21, 1615, the three vessels with a long-boat 
sailed, bearing at least thirty soldiers and many negro 
divers. Crossing from Mazatlan they landed two 
Franciscan friars, set up a cross, and went through 
the forms of taking possession in California. From 
this indeterminate point they followed the coast to 27°, 
landing at several places, noting rich mineral prospects, 
sometimes avoided but generally well received by the 
natives. At the landing in 27° — the same where Viz- 
caino had been, as proved by five Christian skulls and 
the fragments of a boat 14 — Cardona with thirty divers 
was attacked by six hundred natives, and himself 
wounded, but the w r arriors fled when two mastiffs 
were set upon them, and came back next day in peace 
to hear mass. 

At 30° the vessels crossed over to a large island on 
the eastern shore, or "contra costa de Florida," where 
the adventurers remained three days, noted a small 
island with many seals, heard " a noise on the main 
as of dogs guarding stock," and then advanced, still 
on the eastern side, up to what was deemed 34°. At 
this point, where was a shallow port named Santa 
Clara, California seemed to be a peninsula; but on 
crossing to the western shore the strait was seen that 
made it an island. Rich mines were found on both 
sides in this latitude. The weather being stormy and 
food scarce, the voyagers turned southward, following 
the "Florida coast." Touching on the way at the 

14 See p. 150 of this volume. 


Mayo River in 28°, where was a Jesuit establishment 
under Padre Pedro Mendez, Cardona's soldiers were 
utilized by the padre to terrify certain Indians who, 
a few months before, had killed and eaten his com- 

Iturbe remained with two vessels at Sinaloa — or as 
one narrative says, returned thither from Mazatlan — 
to winter and prepare for a new pearl- voyage; while 
Cardona with the capitana and boat proceeded 
toward Acapulco, but at Zacatula fell in with the 
pichilingues under Spilberg, who took the vessel, crew, 
padres, and pearls, only the captain and a few soldiers 
escaping by jumping into the sea. The preceding are 
Cardona's own statements, almost the onlv original 
ones extant bearing directly on the voyage. 15 

Other authorities do not mention Nicolas Cardona 
at all, although Ribas and Ortega tell us that Iturbe 
was agent for Tomas Cardona of Seville. 10 The best 
known version of the affair is that Iturbe with a 
license from the viceroy fitted out two vessels at his 
own expense. One of them was captured by pichi- 
lingues before he reached the gulf; but in the other 
he went up to 30°, where the shores were observed to 
approach nearer to each other. North-westers and 
scarcity of food forced him to return, and his wants 
were relieved on the way by Padre Ribas at the 
Ahome Mission, at the mouth of what is now the 
Rio Fuerte. He next touched at the Rio de Sinaloa, 
where he was aided by Captain Hurdaide, alcalde of 
San Felipe, but was ordered to sea to protect the 
Manila galleon, and this service — also attributed by 

15 Cardona, Relation del descubrimiento del rewo de la California, in Pachero, 
Col. Doc, ix. 30-42. This is a memorial of the class I have alluded to, 
addressed to the viceroy about 1G17, in which more space and attention are 
devoted to the country and its prospects, and the writer's services and misfor- 
tunes, than to the voyage itself. Cardona, Memorial al Rey, in Id., 42-57, is 
a similar document presented in 1G33 or a little later. The two narratives are 
not alike, one reciting events not mentioned in the other, yet in no instance 

16 llibas, Hist. Trinmplios, 159-C2, followed by Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 
ii. 77-8, and Ortega, Relation de la Entrada, 437-40. The last very nearly 
agrees with Cardona's account. 


Cardona to his almiranta — performed, he went to 
Acapulco and to Mexico with his pearls, most of them 
spoiled by roasting, but many valuable, and one worth 
forty-five hundred pesos. 17 

It remains to notice briefly in this connection the 
voyage of George Spilberg and his pichilingues. This 
Dutch freebooter, having passed through the Strait of 
Magellan in April 1615, and having ravaged the coast 
of South America much after the fashion of Drake and 
Cavendish, anchored October 10th before Acapulco, 
and under a truce with the governor exchanged his 
Spanish prisoners for provisions. Leaving Acapulco 
on the 18th for the north-west the Dutchman captured 
on the 26th a small pearl ship from California, doubtless 
Cardona's capitana. She carried six guns, and yielded 
only after a fight, part of the Spaniards escaping, but 
two friars and a number of soldiers remaining as cap- 
tives. Spilberg subsequently had a battle with the 
Spaniards at Salagua, a name applied to the bay of 
Santiago, or to a part of it, in which several were 
killed on both sides. 13 From Navidad he sailed No- 

17 There are, however, some minor differences among the writers who give 
substantially this version. Iturbe's presence on the Sinaloa coast is noted in 
the Jesuit Anua of 1G1G. Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 509. See Venegas, Not. 
Cat., i. 202-4, withref. to Acension's Relaciones; Clavigero, Stor. Cal.,i. 101; 
Cal. Ertab. y Prog., 10; Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist., 327; Esteva, in Soc. Mex. 
Geog., x. 074. Navarrete, in Satil y Mex., lxix.-x., followed by Taylor, 
Hist. Summary, 27, makes the date 1010, and the latitude reached 33°, but 
this probably means nothing more than that it was at the head of the gulf. 
Bibas, Hist. Triumphos, 159-02, implies that Iturbe's ships came from abroad 
into the Pacific. He says the voyage up the gulf was in the spring of 1015; 
gives some particulars of Iturbe's arrival at Ahome; states that when he went 
after the pirates he took with him Capt. Suarez and some soldiers; and finally 
that before going to Acapulco he returned, built another vessel, and made a 
new voyage for pearls, going up to 32.° Ortega, Relation, 437-40, agreeing 
with Cardona in many points, says that Iturbe had two ships, 18 negro 
divers, and 50 soldiers and sailors; that he visited La Paz; that near the head 
of the gulf the negroes refused to dive and the men mutinied; that the larger 
vessel came down to Salagua and was taken by pirates, the men escaping in 
boats; that Iturbe remained in Sinaloa with the long-boat after his ship was 
sent to the Philippines, and made another pearl voyage; and finally that 
although only 14 marks of j)earls were registered, yet, he, the writer, saw 
large quantities in the hands of persons named. 

18 Cardona, Mem., 40, says Sebastian Vizcaino was in command at Salagua, 
was aided by himself, and that five Dutchmen were captured and sent to Mexico. 
Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 272-3, names Vizcaino, calls the corsairs Eng- 
lish, the prisoners seven, and the date 1G17. 


vember 20th, intending to watch off Cape San Lucas 
for the Manila ship ; but the winds were unfavorable, 
and at the beginning of December he left the coast at 
Cape Corrientes and steered for the East Indies. 13 

Thus Cardona's narrative is corroborated, save in 
the precise date in the autumn of 1615 when his vessel 
was taken, by excellent authority, as is the other 
account by Ribas. Some errors are evident in each 
version, but the differences are irreconcilable and the 
exact truth out of reach. Cardona relates that after 
the return of Iturbe's vessel from seeking the galleon, 
he repaired her at great expense; but the viceroy 
seized her for a trip to the Philippines, and the captain 
was thus ruined. He, however, went to Spain, formed 
new contracts, obtained more money, and subsequently 
made extensive preparations at Panama" for another 
expedition to the gulf; but being delayed to aid in 
that town's defence, he was too late for the season; 
his capitana sprang a leak; two vessels were burned 
at Chiriquiri; another was wrecked at Tehuantepec. 
After setting about the building of two more vessels, 
he was summoned to Habana, and thence went to 
Spain in 1623. 

It was in 1620 that Antonio de la Ascension, at the 
Carmelite convent of San Sebastian in Mexico, wrote 
his memorial on northern topics already referred to in 
connection with Vizcaino's voyage. In it he gave his 
views on the best methods to insure a permanent 
occupation of the Calif ornias. Two hundred soldiers, 
also skilled as mariners, under virtuous captains and 
a general of Christian principles, and under the guid- 
ance of barefoot Carmelites, should, he thought, found 
the first pueblo to be defended by a fort at San Ber- 
nabe as the most accessible site. From this nucleus 
the conquest would extend up the outer coast to San 

™ Nicola, Neweund Warkaf/e Pel, 17-38; Purckas, His Pilgrimes, i. 20-6; 
Gottfriedt, N. Welt, 472-5; {Boss), Leben der See-IIelden, 393-402. Purchaa 
says the pearl-ship was on her way to California. 


Diego and Monterey by land on account of the winds, 
but on the gulf coasts by water. On the main near 
the mouth of the Rio del Tizon a station was perhaps 
needed for the benefit of the New Mexican enterprise, 
w T ith a view also to the acquisition of the Seven Cities; 
and opposite in California there should be another 
station. Of course the kingdom of Anian across the 
strait was not to be neglected , offering: as it did a 
broad enlargement of God's domain and that of Spain. 
Pearl-diving, mining, and the working of the salinas 
being encouraged, the ro}^al quintets would doubtless 
pay all outlay and perhaps leave a surplus with which 
new colonists might be sent over. Kindness must be 
the Indian policy, and no encomiendas or repartimien- 
tos were on any plea permissible. The whole scheme 
being thus practicable and easy, the good friar "knows 
not what security the king finds for his conscience in 
delaying the conversion of the Californians." 20 

This document was forwarded to the king on De- 
cember 21st of the same year by Francisco Ramirez 
de Arellano, who sent with it papers setting forth 
his qualifications and past services, and asked that the 
new conquest be intrusted to him. He seems to have 
preferred a like request some three months earlier. 
Arellano was, however, poor and could offer but his 
person and earnest zeal to serve his sovereign; per- 
haps it was for that reason that no attention, so far as 
appears, was given to his proposal. 21 

From this time California began to be commonly 
regarded as an island. Lok's map of 1582, as we 
have seen, had connected it to the main by a very nar- 
row isthmus; Ascension's theories from 1603 tended 
to favor an eastern turn of the coast and a northern 
outlet to the gulf; Ohate's reports of 1604 were still 

20 Ascension, Relation, 5G0-74. The author alludes to another treatise 
written by him 'on the mode of preaching to the pagans;' and Casanate, 
Memorial, 27, says the same friar sent three different iuj'ormes to the king 
besides one that was printed. 

' n Pacheeo and Cardenas, Col. Doc, viii. 537-8; Id., vi. 504-6. One copy 
makes the date Sept. 21st. 



more positive; Cardona in 1615 believed himself to 
have reached a latitude of 34° in the gulf, and openly 
declared his belief in the insular theory; and now a 
rumor became current that certain adventurers in 

Dutch Map, 1G24-5. 

1620 had sailed through the passage. From this time 
for more than a century most maps followed this idea, 
but not all. I reproduce here a Dutch map of 1624-5 
from Purchas. 


That there were pearl voyages undertaken during 
this and later periods by private individuals, of which 
no record has been preserved, if any was ever made, 
is not unlikely. On account, however, of the difficulty 
of obtaining vessels and of fitting them out in secret, 
such private voyages could not have been very nu- 
merous until the Si-naloa coast was more thickly 
peopled, and small boats were found to suffice under 
favorable circumstances for crossing the gulf waters. 
At any rate we hear of no new efforts in this direc- 
tion until 1627, when the contador Melchor de Le- 
zama, with the viceroy's permission, attempting to 
build a vessel in the region of the modern San Bias; 
but on account of mosquitoes and other inconveniences 
he abandoned the scheme and returned to Mexico, 
leaving his men in the lurch. 22 Next year Captain 
Antonio Bastan went to Spain and applied for a royal 
license to undertake the conquest at his own cost; 
and the consejo went so far as to refer the matter on 
August 2d to the vice-regal authorities for further 
investigation. 23 

About the same time Padre Geronimo Zarate de 
Salmeron wrote his Relaciones, intended to awaken 
new interest in northern enterprises. Although pro- 
fessing to write of New Mexico, where he had served 
as missionary, he still included all that was known and 
much that was only conjectured of all the north, in- 
cluding California. His only practical suggestion, 
however, respecting that province was that the entrada 
should be made with small vessels inside the gulf 
rather than with large ones outside. 24 

When Lezama, as already related, abandoned his 
men on the Jalisco coast, Francisco de Ortega, prob- 
ably one of the company, took up the enterprise on his 

22 Ortega, Relation, 440-1. The locality named was the mouth of the To- 
luca river in 22° — probably the Tololotlan or Santiago. 

23 Venegas, Not. Col., i. 205; Doc. Hint. Mex., s6rie ii. torn. iii. 442-5. 

24 Salmeron, Rdaciones, passim. 


own account, and, making but slow progress by reason 
of his poverty, completed and fitted out the Madre 
Luisa de la Ascension of seventy tons in 1631 at a 
cost of 12,000 pesos, and came to Mexico to apply for 
a license. Having received the king's order of August 
1628 asking for information, and being assured that 
Ortega proposed to pay his own expenses, Viceroy 
Cerralvo readily granted the desired permission, which 
included authority to trade for pearls on condition 
that no violence be done to the natives. With a cap- 
tain's commission, and instructions to acquire all pos- 
sible information about the country, 25 Ortega returned 
to the coast at the end of the year. 

It took yet three months to put the new craft in 
sailing condition ; but finally, after a formal inspection 
by the alcalde mayor of Acaponeta, the expedition 
sailed from San Pedro, at the mouth of the river of 
that name, 26 on February 27, 1632. The priest Diego 
de Nava was sent by the bishop of Guadalajara to say 
mass; Estevan Carbonel de Valenzuela was master 
with nine sailors; Alferez de Castro Tenorio com- 
manded six soldiers; and there were three servants. 
Twice the Madre Luisa was obliged to return to San 
Pedro for repairs, but made her final departure the 
20th of March. She took in supplies at San Juan de 
Mazatlan from the 1st to the 26th of April; crossed 
over from Culiacan the 1st of May; and on the 4th 
touched the peninsula opposite Cerralvo Island. Two 
days were spent here, and twelve at a large bay above, 
supposed to be San Bernabe in 24°. Landings were 
frequent for religious and exploring purposes, the na- 
tives showing no hostility. The 10th of June Ortega 
entered the bay of Sacramento, supposed to be iden- 
tical with La Paz, and in the following days made an 
examination of Espiritu Santo and Salina islands, 

25 The viceroy's license and instructions are given under date of Nov. 22, 
1G31, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. iii. 445-8; also repeated several times 
in the MSS. to be noticed presently. 

26 She had been built at the mouth of the Toluca, or Tololotlan; and had 
lain for a while at Matanchel. 


naming ports Gato, San Francisco, and Espiritu Santo. 
Subsequently he continued his voyage up the coast to 
latitude 27°, discovering and naming many rich pearl- 
beds; but on June 24th the vessel was driven by the 
wind across to the port of Babachilato near the mouth 
of the Sinaloa River. Here on July 3d a detailed 
narrative of the trip was sworn to by the officers and 
men; and the possession of this original narrative I 
was fortunate enough to secure. 27 

Nava was sent to Mexico with the report, carrying 
also a quantity of pearls for the king. Meanwhile 
preparations were made for a new voyage; but orders 
came to send the ship under Carbon el on a trip to warn 
the Manila galleon of danger. This service completed, 
new preparations were made at Mazatlan, where at 
different dates from April to August 1633, various 
legal formalities were attended to by the alcalde 
mayor Juan de Arriaran. Then the Madre Luisa 
sailed the 8th of September and on October 7th 
arrived at La Paz. 23 The natives were most friendly 
and pearls plentiful; therefore twenty-eight men were 
left here under Diego de Canedo, with Brother Juan 
de Zuhiga to say mass, while Ortega, Nava, and the 
sailors sailed northward. An island named San Ilde- 
fonso was the limit of the voyage, 29 from which, after 
the discovery of rich comederos of pearls, the com- 
mander returned in less than a month to La Paz. 
Here the natives were boasting of their Christianity, 
and it was learned that Zuhiga had baptized one 

27 Ortega, Primera Demarcation de las Islas California*, hecho por mi el 
Capitaii, etc., 1G32, MS., fol. 10 1. This is an original certified copy made in 
Mexico Nov. 22, 1G36. It includes not only the sworn account of July 3, 
1G32, but the viceroy's license, and a full record of the inspection at San 
Pedro before starting, with a full list of the company. The printed account 
Ortega,, Relation de la Entrada, 449-53, is a brief resume 1 from the same 

28 The route was, Cerralvo Island, Port San Miguel, La Paz, Espiritu Santo 
Island, San Francisco Javier Bay, San Ignacio Loyola Bay, San Pedro Bay, 
and La Paz. 

19 The islands named are: San Simon y Judas, San Jose\ Las Animas, San 
Diego, Santa Cruz, Alcatraces, San Carlos Borromeo, Nra Sra de Monser- 
rate, Nra Sra del Carmen, 29°, Pitahayas, Coronados, San Ildefonso, and on 
the return Nra Sra del Ttosario. 


hundred of them, an act not approved by either 
Ortega or Nava. After the erection of a fort the 

o m 

Madre Luisa was sent over to Sinaloa with de- 
spatches and to bring supplies. 

All was couleur de rose with the little colony for a 
time. King Bacari and his son Prince Conichi were 
among the earliest and hungriest converts, baptized 
as Don Pedro and Don Juan respectively. Early in 
December, Conichi, while on a fishing expedition, was 
killed, v ith his wife, son, and thirty companions, by 
the hostile Guaicuri. The Spaniards took an active 
part in the burial, and as all Bacari's subjects from far 
and near assembled to witness the ceremonies, an 
excellent chance was afforded to establish the most 
friendly relations. After this all of the nation deemed 
themselves under the especial protection of the Span- 
iards, of God, and of the guns on the fort. They were 
docile, submitting to chastisement for offences, free 
from idolatry, content each with one wife, manifesting 
real affection for their children "and for their food" — 
in fact model converts. 

Thus successful at La Paz, Ortega wished to extend 
his operations, and in February 1634 started westward 
with Nava and twenty soldiers, leaving Hernando 
Ortega in command, and intending to reach the Pacific 
and to make friends of the Guaicuri. King Bacari 
approved the expedition, but had, it seems, his own 
views in connection with it; for no sooner had Ortega 
reached the Guaicuri country, than the king joined 
him with two hundred warriors, and insisted on 
attacking his foes, slaying a large number of them, 
despite the Spaniards, who could only save a few 
children and baptize some of the wounded. Ortega 
immediately returned to La Paz, where the natives 
celebrated the victory and were thereafter more 
ardent friends of the Spaniards than ever. On the 
8th of April 1G34, soon after the events just noted, 
a detailed account of all that had been done was pre- 
pared and sworn to by Ortega and sixteen of his 


companions. This original document as before is my 
authority. 30 

Nothing more is known of this La Paz settlement 
or of the circumstances under which it was soon aban- 
doned. The authorities, other than the one I have 
followed, give but a bare outline of Ortega's two trips, 
and tell us that the settlement was abandoned for 
want of food. 31 It is very likely that even pearls and 
affable natives may have lost some of their charms 
both to the secular and ecclesiastical branches of the 
enterprise when there was no longer anything to eat; 
but it must also be remembered that Ortega's purpose 
at this time was exploration rather than permanent 
colonization. It is remarkable, however, that noth- 
ing is known of his operations for more than a year. 
It is said that he made some efforts to have the pre- 
sidio of Acaponeta transferred to California, and also 
to obtain funds for a renewal of his enterprise; but 
without the original record writers have hitherto 
known nothing of his third survey. 

In January 1636 Ortega appears at the port of 
Santa Catalina de Sinaloa, refitting the Madre Luisa 
for a continuation of his explorations. Cosme Lorenzo 
was now his sailing-master; Roque de Vega, a Jesuit, 
his chaplain; and Gabriel Figueroa the clerk. His 
force was about a dozen men. The visita, or inspec- 
tion, was made by Captain Francisco Bustamante of 
the San Felipe presidio; and the vessel sailed on the 

80 Ortega^ Description y Demarcation de las Yslas Caltfomias, sondas y 
catas de los comederos de Perlas que ay en d'has Yslas, hecho por mi el Capilan 
Francisco de Ortega, etc., MS., 9 1. This is the certified original record of 
Oct. 11, 1G36. The title is meant to apply to the three expeditions. It con- 
tains not only the sworn statement of April 8, 1634, but the viceroy's instruc- 
tions and the documents connected with the inspection at Mazatlan in April- 
August 1633. The latter documents and an abridged narrative, more 
complete than that of the first voyage, are given in Ortega, Relation, 452-71. 

' n Vene.gas, Not. Cal., i. 205-7; Clavigero,Stor. Cal., L 162-3; Col., EstaJb. 
y /'rag., 10; Calle, Not., 109-10; Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da dp., ii. 200; 
Lorenzana, in Carte's, J list., 327; Gleeson's Hist. Catli. Oh., i. 81; Taylor's 
Hist. Summary, 27-8. Taylor calls the priest's name Nuna. Otondo, accord- 
ing to Lockman's Trav. Jesuits, i. 419, found in a cave near La Paz the wreck 
of Ortega's vessel, or what was supposed to be such. Greenhow, Or. and 
Cal., 95, mentions Vicuna in connection with the voyage. 


11th of January. Three clays later the explorers 
anchored in a bay formerly called Play a Honda, 
four leagues below La Paz. A terrible storm lasting 
eleven clays drove the ship on the shore a complete 
wreck. The men escaped to land on a fragment of 
the wreck; and enough of the church utensils floated 
miraculously to enable Father Vega to say mass regu- 
larly. A boat was made from pieces of the wreck 
and such new timber as could be found, and the 27th 
of February the adventurers set sail and went to La 
Paz. Here they found fort, church, and everything 
as they had been left in the former visit. The natives 
wished them to remain, which was of course imprac- 
ticable, and after Vega had baptized a few dying 
Californians, the boat sailed on the 10th of March. 
In this frail craft Ortega in about two months ex- 
plored the gulf up to what he deemed latitude 36° 
30'/ 2 but what was in reality perhaps 29° 45'. Then 
adverse winds prevented further progress and drove 
the boat southward. On the 15th of May they 
anchored at Santa Catalina; where next day a sworn 
statement of the voyage with many details, especially 
of pearl-deposits found, was made and duly wit- 
nessed. 33 Nothing more is known of Ortega as an 

It is stated also that Estevan Carbon el, Ortega's 
former pilot, secured a license in some underhanded 
way and made a trip to the gulf in 1536. He had a 
theory that Ortega had failed because of the sterility 
of La Paz; and that there were fertile sites to the 
north where a colony must prosper. Of his voyage 

a2 The route was: Cerralvo Isl. ; San Ildefonso, March 20; Tortugas Isl. 
and Port San Andres, 33° 15', March 22d; B. San Juan, 34°; Pt Caiman, 34° 
45', April 4th; San Sebastian Isl., 40 leagues in circumference, 36° scant, 
April 14th; Pt Buen Viaje, 35° 30', May 4th. If we suppose S. Ildefonso and 
Tortugas to be the islands still so named, S. Sebastian was probably one of 
the two large islands, Tiburon or Angel de la Guarda, and Pt Buen Viaje 
may have been Cabo Pinal. 

88 Ortega, Copia de la Demarcation que yo cl Capitan . . . salgo d hacer de este 
puerto de Santa Catalina Provincia de Siualoa d las Yslas Calif ornias, 1G36, 
MS., G 1. Similar in character to the accounts of the first and second survey. 
As I have said this part of the expedition has been entirely unknown. 



we only know that he failed to find the place sought 
and returned to Mexico in disgrace, perhaps as a pris- 
oner, not a little comforted nevertheless by the pos- 
session of certain pearls he had collected. In his 
scheme Carbonel was aided by Francisco de Vergara, 
who also obtained a license, and is said to have worked 
in the interest of a French company. u I annex a 

D'Avity's Map, 1G37. 

map of 1637 from D'Avity's cosmographical work of 
that year, to show that not all even yet accepted the 
insular theory, or rather it shows that the author 
simply followed old models long out of fashion. 

u Navarrete, Viajes Apdc, 221-4; Cardona, Memorial, 28; see also refer- 
ences in note 31. Carbonel's license bore date of Dec. 1, 1G35; and Vergara's, 
transferred to Francisco Carbonel, that of Jan. 1G, 1G3G. California*, Descubri- 
miento, MS. In his royal c<5dula of Feb. 20, 1G38, it is stated that when it 
was known that Vergara had sold his license to the Frenchmen, a confisca- 
tion of his property was ordered by the king. Baja Cal., Cedulas, MS., 61. 



Porter y Casanate and Botello y Serrano— Memorials and Contracts 
—Pretended Discoveries of Fonte— Cestin de Canas— Casanate's 
Efforts and Misfortunes — Two Trips to California — Pinadero's 
Pearl-fishing Expedition — Lucenilla in the Gulf — Royal Enthusi- 
asm — A New Contract— Settlement of California by Otondo and 
the Jesuits — Fourth Failure at La Paz — Colony at San Bruno — 
Buccaneers and Privateers — Swan and Townley — Dampier — 
Woodes Rogers, Courtney, and Cooke — Victory and Defeat — 
Frondac's Voyage— Shelvocke at the Cape — Anson's Voyage. 

In 1G35 Captain Pedro Porter y Casanate, an ex- 
perienced naval officer, was authorized by Viceroy 
Cerralvo to make a survey of South Sea coasts with 
a view to the preparation of accurate charts for the 
council of Indies; but when about to sail from Aca- 
pulco, his ship was seized through the influence ap- 
parently of parties interested in the Vergara and 
Carbonel schemes. 1 But he persevered in his enter- 
prise; and in 1636 renewed his offer to undertake the 
work of northern exploration. On September 17th 
of the same year, in connection with Captain Alonso 
Botello y Serrano, he presented an elaborate report 
intended to show how little was really known of the 
north-west, notwithstanding too many rumors and 
theories afloat; and to urge the importance of putting 
an end to the prevalent uncertainty. It was a more 
sensible view of the matter than was generally offered 

1 Royal order of Feb. 20, 1G33, in Baja Cat, Cedillas, MS., Gl ; Navarrete, 
introd., lxxi.-iii. It is said that Casanate had printed in lGul an account of 
former services. 

IIist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 12 (177J 


in memorials on the Northern Mystery. 2 Offering to 
undertake the enterprise at their own cost a license 
was granted by the viceroy under date of September 
23d. 3 It w r as also about this time that Cardona re- 
turned from Spain and presented his memorial, giving 
his views, dwelling on his own past losses and mis- 
fortunes, and offering for the service his person and 
the money of his friends. 4 Probably there were other 
applicants attracted by the recent reports of pearls in 
the gulf. 

Thus in 1636 there were four persons who had 
licenses for Californian exploration, Ortega, Carbonel, 
"Vergara, and Casanate. From this state of things 
trouble was sure to result. Ortega desired to continue 
his expeditions and protested against other licenses 
being granted in view of what he had actually accom- 
plished. The matter was brought before the authori- 
ties in Mexico, and the original expedients, or transcript 
of record in the case, has furnished my authority for 
Ortega's voyages, as it gives me also authority for the 
final settlement. 5 The decision, contained in a decree 
of Viceroy Cadereita of November 11, 1636, was to 
the effect that Ortega's last expedition had been made 
without legal authority, since Cerralvo's license had 
expired with that viceroy's term of office; and that all 
the other licenses should be considered as revoked, 
pending new investigations and royal orders. Casanate 
was thus obliged to suspend preparations on which he 
and his friends had expended some eighteen thousand 
pesos. On his way to Spain with complaints he was 
captured by Dutch pirates and kept a prisoner for six 

2 Botello y Serrano, and Porter y Casanate, Declaracion que hicieron de las 
convenicncias que seguiran de descubrir como se comunka por la California el 
Mar del Sur con el del JV". 1636. See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 107, this series. 

3 Californias, Descubrimiento. MS. 

4 Cardona, Memorial, 40-7. 

5 Californias, Descubrimiento, M.S., 28 1. This contains the royal regula- 
tions on discoveiies of July 13, 1573, bearing among others the autograph 
signature of F. Antonio de la Ascension; a report of Alvarez Serrano, fiscal 
of the audiencia, dated Oct. 30th; a decree of the audiencia dated Nov. 11th; 
and the final order of the viceroy of the same date. 


months in 1637; but after his escape he obtained the 
royal order, which I have already cited under date of 
February 20, 1638, requiring haste on the part of the 
viceroy in forwarding papers and reaching a definite 
settlement. Meanwhile, with a view to secure or 
hasten the royal approval, a new memorial was pre- 
pared and presented, perhaps in 1638. In it the 
author amplified all the points previously urged and 
exerted all his ingenuity to suggest new ones. 6 In this 
document he eulogizes in the most enthusiastic and 
exaggerated terms California, its people, and its pro- 
ducts; its mineral, commercial, and spiritual wealth, 
which can be lost to Spain only by the most inexcusa- 
ble negligence. All statistics of gold, silver, pearls, 
coral, amber, and salt which were accessible in the 
archives as supplemented by a lively imagination were 
laid before the king. The need of a harbor for the 
relief of the galleons; the ease with which the voyage 
msij be made from Sinaloa; the lessened cost of for- 
warding supplies to New Mexico by way of the gulf; 
the impulse to be given to the Culiacan trade; the 
geographical enigmas to be solved; the rumors of grand 
cities, of golden lakes, of mighty rivers, of giants, of 
white men, to be verified; facilitated intercourse with 
Anian, Japan, Tartary, and China; the necessity of 
precautions against foreigners; the avarice and incom- 
petence of former navigators; all are elaborated in a 
series of twenty-seven articles, resting on the author- 
ity of all who have made expeditions to California. 7 
The arguments employed were sufficiently forcible to 
convince the kinsf. and in 1640 Casanate received the 
requisite commission with the exclusive right to navi- 

6 Casanate, Memorial del Almirante D. Pedro Porter Casanate al Rey, recom- 
endando una nueva expedition d la California, etc., in Pacheco, Col. Doc., ix. 
19-29. The original was a printed document in the Biblioteca Nacional. 

7 Besides those already referred to in connection with different voyages, 
there are named the following who have expressed their views: Capt. Juan 
Lopez de Vicuna, Gonzalo de Francia, Capt. Alonso Ortiz de Sandoval, Se- 
bastian Gutierrez, and several Mexican officials. It must not be supposed 
that all these made separate voyages to California. Perhaps all were simply 
companions of the leaders that had been removed. 


gate the gulf. 8 No limit of time was fixed, and the 
admiral was detained for several years in Spain on 
other service. 

It was in 1640 that Bartolome de Fonte. admiral 
of New Spain and Peru, made his famous voyage to 
the north, starting from Callao on April 3d, according 
to the narrative first made public in 1708. 9 He had 
four ships, but one of them, the Santa Lucia under 
Diego de Penalosa, was detached to explore the gulf, 
while the admiral went on up to the Rio de los Reyes 
in 53°. Above this point the continent seems to have 
been a complicated net-work of islands, straits, lakes, 
and rivers, where the navigators had but to choose a 
route, and where they continued their explorations in 
ships or boats from June to September. They did 
not pass through into the Atlantic; in fact none of 
the channels they tried would permit such a passage 
to ships; but pressing on in boats they met a Boston 
ship from the other side. They reached a latitude as 
high as 86°, and they had on board Jesuits who had 
previously established missions as high as 6G°\ 

In all the voluminous discussions on the authen- 
ticity of this narrative there never was produced the 
slightest evidence in its favor. It rested entirely on 
the prevalent ignorance of northern geography, not- 
withstanding which ignorance the best writers pro- 
nounced it a fabrication. The expedition demands no 
further consideration in a chapter of historical annals; 
the narrative like that of Maldonado's achievements 
will receive elsewhere some notice as a bibliographical 
curiosity. 10 

8 License dated Aug. 8th. Casanate also received the order of Santiago, 
and space for eight tons of private merchandise. Calk, Man. y Is ot. Sac, 
110-12; Baja Ceil., Cedulas, MS., 05. 

9 Foute, Letter from Admiral, in Monthly Miscellany, or Memoirs for the 
Curious, Lond., 1708. 

10 See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 115 et seq., this series. There are some 
slight indications in the use of Peiialosa's name and a scrap of evidence given 
by Navarrete that the London perpetrator of the hoax may have based it re- 
motely on a Spanish original. 


Viceroy Escalona in 1642 ordered Luis Cestin de 
Canas, spoken of as governor of Sinaloa, but really 
comandante of the presidio, to cross over and explore 
California. He sailed from Babachilato in July, passed 
the port of San Ignacio, noted a farallon some twenty 
leagues from the latter port, and landed at the port, 
or island, of San Jose. From this point he explored 
the Californian shore for forty leagues to La Paz, and 
then returned, the voyage having taken but a month. 
Canas was accompanied by Padre Jacinto Cortes, the 
second Jesuit, not the first as has been supposed, to 
visit the land his order was destined to occupy. There 
was nothing of the marvellous in the reports brought 
back either to viceroy or provincial. The natives 
were well disposed, some pearls were obtained, but 
the country was sterile and altogether unpromising. 11 

In 1643 Porter y Casanate was ordered to fulfil 
his contract in the New World. 12 With some men 
and families he left Cadiz in June and arrived at Vera 
Cruz in August, setting to work with zeal and much 
success to gain friends, money, and recruits, greatly 
aided by the ecclesiastical authorities who desired the 
salvation of Californian souls. At the end of Novem- 
ber Alonso Gonzalez Barriga was sent with a force 
of sailors and carpenters to build two vessels on the 
coast of Nueva Galicia, one fragata, the Rosario, hav- 
ing been previously chartered. The intention was to 
sail the next spring. 

11 A letter of Padre Corte"s in Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 441-2, seems to be 
the original of all that is known of this voyage. Venegas, Not. Cal. , i. 209- 
11, says the cause of this voyage was the loss of the journals and maps of 
preceding ones. Alegre, Hist. Oomp. Jesus, ii. 236-7, states that the results 
caused Escalona to advocate in Spain the conquest of California. Lorenzana, 
Cortes, I J 1st., 327, says that Cortes founded the mission of San JosC, evidently 
confounding this with a later expedition. Clavigero, Stor. Cal., i. 1G3-4, 
and Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 12, make the date 1G40, and the latter calls the 
leader Luis Cestifios. See also Cal. , Estab. yProg., 19; Mofras, Explor., i. 
102; Burners Ckron. Hist.,iv. 357 j Browne's L. Cal., 28; Shea's Cath. Miss., 89. 

12 The loading authority from this point is Casanate, Carta Relacion, in 
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ix. 5-18, which is a fragment of a private 
letter to a friend narrating the course of events down to May 1G44, the 
whole having extended down to June 24, 1G49. 


Now came news that the pichilingues were ravaging 
the coast of Chile, and would soon come north to lie 
in wait for the Manila galleon. To warn and protect 
the galleon there was no craft available but the Rosario 
which lay at the mouth of the Rio de San Pedro. 
Casanate therefore hastened to the coast in December, 
with the cosmographer Perez de Soto and the chap- 
lain Luna, to fit out the fragata for a cruise of three 
months under Barriga. She passed out over the bar 
on January 3, 1644, took ballast at Matanchel, 13 and 
sailed on the 9th by way of Mazatlan and the Bio 
Navito to Cape San Lucas, where she anchored on 
the 25th probably in San Bernabe Bay. Sentinels 
were posted on the hills to watch for the galleon, for 
whose benefit signals of smoke or fire were constantly 
displayed; but she passed without seeing or being 
seen, and passed unmolested to Acapulco. 1 * Barriga 
also made a short trip of five days up the outer coast. 
Like other visitors to the peninsula, he found friendly 
natives greatly in fear of the Guaicuri, a few pearls, 
and what were thought to be good mineral prospects. 
The return was from the 21st to the 25th of February 
to the mouth pf the Pio Santiago. The chaplain 
arrived in Mexico only fourteen days after having 
said mass in California. 

After despatching the Rosario Casanate located his 
dock-yard with all his stores in six leagues up the Pio 
Santiago, or Tololotlan, in a spot deemed secure from 
pichilingues, but exposed to bats and mosquitoes and 
Hoods, where he built dwellings and warehouses, set 
his men to felling timber for the vessels, and returned 
to Mexico. Soon after Padre Luna's arrival with the 
notice of Barriga's return, there came news that cer- 
tain men had run away from the ship-yard with a 
boat and such valuables as they could carry. A little 
later came the more serious tidings that vessels, tim- 

13 Navarrete says she sailed from Sintiquipac (Centipac), an unknown port, 
and was forced into Matanchel by the weather. 

11 Several writers state that Casanate convoyed the galleon to Acapulco. 


ber, stores, and everything at the Santiago station 
had been burned on April 24th. A Portuguese, jeal- 
ous of Casanate's exclusive privileges, was the insti- 
gator of the deed, himself instigated, as the admiral 
piously exclaims, by Satan. From the devil's oppo- 
sition, however, Casanate argued his fear and the 
danger of his realms, and was therefore not discour- 
aged though his losses were twenty thousand pesos. 
He renewed his preparations and by a third memorial 
tried unsuccessfully to get the appointment of cornan- 
danfce of Sinaloa as a means of facilitating the con- 
quest of the contra costa. 15 

Meanwhile the king on October 11, 1645, had sent 
his thanks through the viceroy for the zeal displayed 
by Casanate; and after hearing of the latter s mis- 
fortune he sent orders November 10, 1647, that every 
possible aid and encouragement should be afforded for 
a resumption of the enterprise. With a letter from 
Sinaloa dated April 13, 1649, Casanate sent a narra- 
tive of his voyage which I have not been able to find ; 
announced his intention of continuing his efforts the 
following summer; and asked for the office of alcalde 
mayor of Sinaloa. The king's reply of August 6, 
1650, was a recommendation that the explorer's 
schemes should still be favored and his demands 
granted if there w T as no serious objection; but he also 
desired an explanation of the long delays, reminding 
Casanate that his license was not unlimited in respect 
of time. This is the last definite record I find on the 
subject. Respecting the unfortunate admiral's voyage 
and subsequent operations, we are told by Venegas, 
Alegre, and others that he finally succeeded in com- 
pleting two vessels on the Sinaloa coast, 16 and with 

15 Here ends the fragment of Casanate's letter. Navarrete says he ob- 
tained the desired comandancia with orders to the viceroy to aid his scheme, 
but that the orders were not carried out. Introd. Sutil y Mex., lxxiv.-v. 
Alegre, Hist. Com/). Jems, ii. 328-30, implies that the burning was the re- 
sult of carelessness rather than malice. Calle, Mem. y Not. Sac., 110-12, says 
that Casanate notified the king of his misfortune in letters of Feb. 20th, 25th, 
and 20, 1025, and that the king's order for his relief was dated April J 1th. 

16 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 328-30, copied also in Dice. Univ., viii. 


them made a trip to California in 1648, accompanied 
by the Jesuit friars, Jacinto Cortes and Andres Baez, 
originally named by the provincial for the service. 
After seeking in vain on the peninsula coast a suitable 
site for their colony the voyagers returned, the ves- 
sels were perhaps ordered again to act as convoys to 
the Manila ship, and the enterprise was thus finally 
abandoned. 17 

After a blank of nearly twenty years in maritime 
annals, two vessels were built at Valle de Banderas, 
and in them Bernardo Bernal de Piiiadero undertook 
the reduction of California under a commission from 
Felipe IV. Once in the gulf, however, he gave his 
exclusive attention to the search for pearls, cruelly 
ill-treating the natives, who were forced to serve as 
divers, and thus well nigh destroying the favorable 
impression left by some of the earlier Spaniards. The 
harvest of pearls is said to have been rich, and in 
dividing the spoil the adventurers quarrelled, with 
some loss of life. Pinadero was not well received in 
Mexico, but was nevertheless required to repeat his 
vovaore in fulfilment of his contract, as he did in 1667 
with two new vessels built at Chacala, without any 
practical results that are known. 18 

The voyage of Captain Francisco Lucenilla y Torres 
was made in 1668. Two Franciscan friars, Juan 
Caballero y Carranco and Juan Bautista Bamirez, 
accompanied the expedition, besides a chaplain who 
did not cross the gulf. The two vessels sailed on May 

633-4, is very enthusiastic over Casanate's pure life and pious example during 
his stay in Sinaloa. He showed the greatest respect for the padres, aided in 
decorating the streets for processions, and washed the feet of the poor. 

17 Royal orders of Oct. 11, 1G45, Nov. 10, 1647, and Aug. 6, 1650, in Baja 
CaL, Ccdulas, MS., 63-6. See also Pdbas, Hist. Triumphos, 162, 750; Cavo, 
Tres Sighs, ii. 33; Cortds, Hist., 327-8; Clavigero, Stor. CaL, 164-5; CaL, 
Estab. y Prog., 10-11; ■ Mofrcbs, Explor., i. 102; Browne's L. CaL, 28. 

18 Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 216-7, seems to be the original authority, refer- 
ring, however, to a MS., by Padre Kino. Others follow Venegas in a mere 
mention of the voyage: Alegre, Hist. Com]?. Jesus, ii. 437-8; CaL,Estab. y Prog., 
ii.; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 47-8; Navarrete, Sutil y Mex., lxxxiv. ; Browne's L. 
CaL, 28; Payno in Soc. Mex. Gegg., 2da 6p., ii. 200; Dice. Univ., x. 136-7; 
Zamacois, J list. Mej., v. 394. 


1st from Chacala, and on the 13th touched at Maza- 
tlan. Crossing over a few days later they touched at 
La Paz, Port San Bernabe, and one or two other 
points, finding the natives well disposed; but as the 
country seemed barren and inhospitable Lucenilla 
decided to return, or possibly was driven to the main 
in a storm. At any rate the usual sworn statement 
of the trip was elated the 4th of July. The license 
seems to have required a settlement in California; 
but there are indications that Lucenilla's real aim was 
pearl-fishing. 19 

It is probable that several unrecorded expeditions 
in quest of pearls were made in these years. The 
government required each would-be conqueror to fit 
out his fleet at his own cost, and imposed such condi- 
tions in connection with settlement, survey, and treat- 
ment of natives that the venture was deemed risky 
notwithstanding the rich comederos. It was safer to 
make private unauthorized trips in smaller vessels. 

Pinadero's misdeeds in connection with his Cali- 
fornia trips depend mainly upon the statement of 
Venegas, whose authority was Father Kino. Perhaps 
they were exaggerated, as there was trouble between 
the navigator and the Jesuits. At any rate they 
were not made public for several years. Down to 
1678 Pinadero considered his contract still in force, 
and continued his efforts to carry out his schemes of 

19 The most definite account is that in Rohles, Diario, 61-2. The same 
writer, 109, says this attempt of the Franciscans to obtain the Calif ornias was 
one of the causes of a reprimand from Spain to the commissary in 1671. 
Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. , 328, followed by Pay no in Soc. Mex. Geog. , 2da ep. , 
ii. 200, attributes the failure to the opposition of the Jesuits. Clavigero, 
Stor. Cal., i. 165-6, pronounces this a calumny, as there were no Jesuits in 
California at the time; but Lorenzana probably did not refer to Jesuits in 
California. Clavigero gives scarcity of food as the cause of failure. Cavo, 
Tres Siglos, ii. 48, adds the barrenness of the coast. Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
Jesus, ii. 49-50, says the efforts of the friars were counteracted by the avarice 
of the Spaniards. The padres passed from the Yaqui to Nayarit. Niel, A punt. , 
70, says Lucenilla explored from Concepcion B. to Cerralvo Island. Taylor, 
Hist. Summary, 28-9, calls the name Lucinella; andGleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch.,\. 
82-3, Luzanvilla. See also Navarrete, Introd., lxxxiv. ; Cal., Estab. y Prog., 
11; Dice. Univ., ix. 750-1; Greenhovfs Or. and CaL, 95; Zamacois, Hist. 
Mej., v. 413; Vetancvrt, Chr6n. Si<> Evan., 117. 


conquest, professing at different times to have vessels 
in readiness. In 1671 he petitioned for the coman- 
dancia of Sinaloa for a series of years, and for author- 
ity to found two Jesuit missions, one on the peninsula 
and the other on the main, using for that purpose the 
funds bequeathed to the company by Alonso Fernan- 
dez de la Torre. The king looked favorably on the 
proposition; but the Jesuit provincial reported that 
the Torre estate was in litigation and not likely to 
yield funds for the proposed missions, though the 
company would gladly furnish missionaries; and some 
officials doubted the practicability of effecting the 
permanent occupation of the peninsula by private 
enterprise. The king, however, manifested increasing 
interest in the matter; ordered the viceroy to make 
new investigations ; and insisted that a contract should 
be made, if not with Pinadero, then with some other 
responsible man, the expense to be borne if possible 
by the contractor, but otherwise by the royal treasury. 
In the investigations that followed in Mexico it was 
decided by the audiencia not only that Pinadero's de- 
mands were excessive and his sureties insufficient, but 
that he deserved punishment for past irregularities 
that had now come to light. But the project was 
kept in view, and under the new financial conditions 
it was not difficult to find an empresario to undertake 
the conquest of California at government expense. 
Late in 1678 a contract was made with Isidro Otondo 
y Antillon, receiving the royal approval at the end 
of 1679. Details of the contract are not extant, but 
Otondo was not burdened with a large part of the 
cost. 20 

20 The best authority on these transactions is a series of four royal orders, 
dated Nov. 11, 1674, May 20, 1676, June 18, 1676, and Dec. 29, 1679, with 
frequent allusions to other documents in Baja Gal., C6dula,8, MS., (57-75. See 
also Montemayor Svmarios, 2, for a ctklula of Feb. 26, K>77; Venegas, Not. 
Gal., i. 218 et seq.; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jems, iii. 41-57, repeated in Dice. 
Univ., viii. 278-81; Clavigero, Stor. Cat., i. 167-74. Some of the best authori- 
ties call the empresario Atondo; but the probabilities seem to favor the other 
form. Niel, Apunt., 20, calls him Hondo. Burney, Chron. Hist., iv. 345-50, 
followed by Taylor, says he was governor of Sinaloa. 


A fleet of three vessels was fitted out at Chacala 
on the Sinaloa coast. It was expected to be ready in 
the autumn of 1681; but delays were caused by the 
necessity of transporting many needed supplies from 
Mexico and Vera Cruz. 21 The Jesuits were intrusted 
with the spiritual conquest, and the provincial named 
for the duty, fathers Eusebio Kino, Juan Bautista 
Copart, and Pedro Matias Gofli, the first being supe- 
rior and also cosmografo mayor. Goiii did not go to 
California, however, at first, and Father Jose Guijosa 
of the order of San Juan de Dios seems to have made 
the trip in his stead. 22 

The Limpia Conception, capitana, and the San Jose 
y San Francisco Javier, almiranta, with about one hun- 
dred men under captains Francisco Pereda y Arce, 
and Bias de Guzman y Cordoba, and Alferez Martin ^ 
cle Verastegui, sailed from Chacala on January 18, 
1683. 23 A sloop was to follow with supplies, and did 
start, but never joined the fleet nor reached California. 
Winds were at first contrary, and Otondo was forced 
to touch February 9th at Mazatlan, and March 18th 
at the mouth of the Sinaloa. But finally he crossed 
over from San Io-nacio and sighted Cerralvo Island 
after one night's voyage. After three days they were 
able to approach the coast, which they followed north- 
westward for some eight leagues, and on March 30th 
entered the bay of La Paz, 2i where they anchored on 

21 King's Letters of Aug. 15th and Dec. 31, 1681, in Baja Cat., Ccdulas, 
MS., 75-3. 

22 According to Alegre, iii. 27-8, a secular chaplain for the expedition had 
been appointed in 16S1 by the bishop of Durango, but at the request of the 
Jesuits this act was overruled by the government. P. Gofii's name is also 
written Gogni, Gony, and Coqui. It is not unlikely that Gogni was the 
original name. Mofras, Explor., i. 103, adds Salvatierra! 

23 Royal communications of June lb", 1683, and March 28, 1684, in Baja 
Cal., Cedillas, MS., 78-9. Several authorities make the date Jan. 18th; and 
Veiiegas, followed by several, March 18th. 

21 Otondo, Nonvelle. Descente des Espwjnols dans ride de Cal/fornie, at the 
end of Voyages de VEmpereurde la Chine, 81-110. This was doubtless the 
first published account of the voyage, having been taken from Otondo's let- 
ters and printed in 1685. Otondo, Relation d'une Descente des Es}>agno!s dans 
la Cal/fornie en 1G83. Tradidte de Castillan, in Voiages au Nord, iii. 288-300, 
is the same narrative; and the same appears in substance in Lockman's Trav- 
els of the Jesuits, i. 408-20. 


the 1st of April, landed next day, and on the 5th set 
up the holy cross, and the royal standard saluted by 
a volley of musketry, while all the company shouted 
Viva Carlos II.! The province was named Santisima 
Trinidad de las Californias, and the locality Nuestra 
Seiiora de La Paz, the document of possession being 
signed by the officers and padres before Diego de 
Salas, the royal escribano. 25 

No natives had been seen, and this fact, considered 
in connection with former hospitality, seemed strange, 
and even suggested doubts as to the identity of La 
Paz, about whose exact latitude authorities differed. 
The bay was, however, the veritable La Paz; neither 
had the people, as was feared, been annihilated by the 
fierce Guaicuri; but the acts of pearl-seekers had 
cooled the native friendship for Spaniards and made 
the harbor no longer the Bay of Peace. Still the site 
was deemed favorable, being well watered, and here the 
camp was fortified. The natives began to appear in 
small numbers and in hostile attitude, expressing by 
gestures their wish to be rid of the intruders. Trivial 
particulars of the process by which very gradually the 
good will of the natives was gained through appeals 
to their palates are given at considerable length, and 
with a few unimportant discrepancies in Otondo's ver- 
sion and that of the friars, 26 but require no extended 
notice here. The inhabitants soon became so friendly 
as to come freely to the camp, to accept gifts, and even 
to steal such articles as struck their fancy ; but it does 
not appear that they returned as a tribe to the shores 
of the bay. Wholesome fear was promoted by a pub- 
lic test of the musket as compared with the bow; a 
church and cabins were built; the friars, after putting 

25 The document is given in full in Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 43-5, and 
from it the dates are taken, differing slightly from those given hy other authori- 
ties. Otondo, Nouvclle Descente, states that possession was taken April 1st. 
Kino, Diario, 440, afterward speaks of March 25th as the anniversary of 
the arrival in California. 

2g ^ s represented by Venegas. Otondo naturally exaggerates, as the 
padres underrate, the hostile movements of the Indians. 


themselves in communication with the natives, devoted 
themselves to the acquisition of the language; and, all 
going smoothly, the Concepcion was sent over to Rio 
Yaqui for supplies. 27 

Two expeditions were made for short distances into 
the interior, the first south-west to the home of the 
Guaicuri, hostile to the end, and the second eastward 
to the territory of the Coras, a gentle but very avari- 
cious people. On June 6th the former people ap- 
peared in arms before the fort at La Paz, bent on 
carrying out their oft-repeated threats to drive out the 
Spaniards; but the admiral sallied out and scattered 
the assailants with shouts and wild gestures causing 
much terror but no bloodshed. Peace reigned nomi- 
nally for a time, but later a mulatto ship-boy ran away 
and the Guaicuri were charged by the Coras with his 
murder. Their chief was therefore imprisoned, not- 
withstanding the entreaties, protests, and threats of 
his subjects, who in their fury planned a general attack 
for July 1st and invited the Coras to join them, but 
were betrayed by that politic people, who desired 
nothing more than the defeat of their foes. Extra 
precautions were taken, and at the first appearance of 
the hostile band, ten or twelve of their number were 
killed by a volley from the pedrero and the rest fled 
in terror. 23 

This act of Otondo, like many later ones, was not 
approved by the Jesuits, and subsequent misfortunes 
wore looked upon as a retribution. The soldiers, who 
before the attack had shown a spirit of timidity almost 
amounting to cowardice, how became more panic- 
stricken than ever, insisting that the whole country 
would be aroused to fall upon and destroy them, and 
tearfully praying the admiral to take them away even 

27 Here, with a vague allusion to explorations inland, which may or may 
not be those referred to by the padres, Otondo's narrative, the Nouvelle De- 
scen r, ends abruptly, giving no information about subsequent troubles. 

2J In Salvatierra's report to the viceroy of May 25, 1705, it is stated that 
Otondo killed some Guaicuri while eating boiled maize at a feast to which 
.they had been invited. Venegas, Not. Cal., ii. 155. 


if it were only to land them on a desert island. The 
remonstrances of officers and padres availed nothing; 
supplies were becoming scarce from the non-arrival 
of the vessels; and on July 14th the settlement was 
abandoned. The Conception was met near» the mouth 
of the gulf, and the two vessels crossed together to 
the main. 

Otondo refitted his vessels in Sinaloa, largely at his 
own expense it' is said, and recrossed the gulf a few 
months later, arriving on October 6, 1683, at a bay 
north of La Paz, 29 which from the day was named San 
Bruno. Here a site was chosen for the camp some- 
what less than a league from the shore, where there 
was a supply of not very good water, in a sterile coun- 
try. A fort, church, and the required dwellings were 
built with the aid of the natives, who were friendly 
from the first, and were willing to work or to learn 
the doctrina for a small daily allowance of pozole. Ten 
clays after landing the San Jose sailed with despatches 
for the viceroy, reporting progress and asking for men 
and money. A little later the Conception made a 
trip to the Yaqui and returned November 20th with 
food and some live-stock, including goats, horses, and 

The San Bruno settlement was kept up about two 
years, the admiral and his men occupying the time in 
protecting the camp and in exploring the country, 
while the padres devoted themselves to conciliating 
the natives, learning their language, and the usual 
routine of missionary duty. Padre Kino in his 
diary 39 details most conscientiously the — to us — petty 
occurrences of each day, and a more uneventful record 

29 Possibly Ensenada de San Juan about 15 1. north of Loreto. Taylor, 
Hist. Sum., 29-30, incorrectly identifies it with Loreto. On Aug. 3d, news 
had reached Mexico of the former safe arrival in California. Bobles, Diario, 

Z0 Kino, Tercera Entrada (de los Jesuttas en Cat'/forvia), in Doc. Hist. Mex., 
s^rie iv. torn. i. 408-08, although evidently but a fragment of the original, 
is a complete diary of events at San Bruno from Dec. 21, 1683, to May 8, 1684. 
Venegas refers to a MS. llirtoria de Sonora by Kino, referring perhaps to the 
letters embodied in the Ajiost6licos Afavcs. Alegre also refers to Kino's jour- 
nal for some dates not included in the diary as printed. 


it would be hard to imagine. Prominent events were 
the first rain on January 5th, a frost, and a temblor; 
also the gathering and eating of the first corn, beans, 
and melons of California production. The stocks were 
continually brought into play to punish runaway ser- 
vants or thieving Californians. Difficulties of the 
latter class usually resulted in a withdrawal from 
camp of all the Edues or Didius, according to the 
nationality of the unlucky culprit; and on such occa- 
sions there was great terror among the Spaniards, 
who, as we have seen, were conquistadores of a very 
mild type. But all these troubles terminated uni- 
formly in the return of the penitent and hungry prod- 
igals to prayers and pozole. In all their doings the 
were mere children, crying to sleep in the same room 
with the padre, sorrowful because the painted virgin 
would not give them her baby to hold, begging for a 
ride on the padre's mule, delighted with the move- 
ments of a rubber ball, and filled with wonder at the 
coming to life of half-drowned flies, by the aid of which 
the friars explained the resurrection. 

There were, moreover, industrial agitations in those 
primitive days, and on divers occasions the conflicting 
claims of capital and labor had to be conciliated by 
concessions — a handful of maize was added to a week's 
rations. The food distributed was for the most part 
from the stores given by the missionaries across the 
gulf, and on one occasion the padres refused to dis- 
tribute gifts of clothing offered by Otondo in the 
king's name. They were often displeased at what 
they termed the admiral's needless severity; but for 
an officer in those days to please the missionaries was 
almost impossible. He must be a mere machine for 
the preservation of order, an object of terror, like a 
pedrero, feared but not loved by the natives, com- 
pletely under the control of the padres, and to be 
conciliated only through their influence. Then we 
read of the weather, and of the day when the sickness 
of the tortillera cut off the supply of tortillas for the 


officers; of minor expeditions to neighboring ranche- 
rias, to the shore for fish, or to a distant spring for 
water needed by the sick; of the falling of the cross 
on the shore of the bay, and of the day when one of 
the padres found it necessary to take physic. On 
the whole the missionaries were content with the 
country, their progress, and the prospects. Four 
hundred converts were ready for baptism, but only to 
the dying was the rite administered, for the danger 
of having to abandon the country was foreseen. 

Of the many trips into the interior, or up and down 
the coast for short distances, we have no information 
that seems of any geographical importance. One at- 
tempt was made to reach the South Sea, but the 
roughness of the country and scarcity of food pre- 
vented success. Kino also speaks of two expeditions 
to the south in search of the bay of San Dionisio and 
of the Danzantes, both of which were seen from a 
distance. 31 The admiral with his men was very much 
less pleased with the prospect than were the Jesuits. 
Their exploration had revealed but a rough and sterile 
country, with no mines, poor water, an unhealthy cli- 
mate, and unreliable, inefficient, though gentle, in- 
habitants. There was some suffering from want of 
food and from sickness, before the San Jose arrived 
on August 10th, bringing Padre Copart, twenty sol- 
diers, fresh supplies, and eleven months' pay for the 
whole force. Kino, a little later, went over to the 
Sonora coast, 32 and his absence doubtless accounts for 
our limited information about subsequent events. 

Copart and Goni continued their labors with great 
zeal, but the Spaniards became daily more and more 
disgusted with a land that promised neither fortune 

&1 Kino, Tercera Entrada, 411. The same writer describes a trip made by 
him with Alf6rez Nicolas Contreras and eight men to the N. and N. W., in 
which some names of localities perhaps merit a record — 3 leagues along, or 
over, the Sierra Giganta to S. Isidro, 3 1. to San Pablo, G 1. N. to Rio de Sto 
Tomas, up the river w. and s. w. to the summit of the sierra, C 1. in the valley 
of S. Fabiano in the Didiii country, rancheria of S. Nicolas, and return by a 
different route to S. Bruno. This journey was made in December 1683. 

s ' 2 Alejre, Hist. Comp. Jems, iii. 56. 


nor pleasure. Fate seems to have opposed the Jes- 
uits, for the season was unusually dry even for this 
arid country. Otondo finally despatched the Concep- 
cion to the north with orders to find, if possible, a 
better site, while he in the San Jose, after carrying the 
sick to Sinaloa, sailed to make a more thorough search 
for pearl comederos. Before his departure, however, 
the question of remaining at San Bruno had been 
discussed in a general junta, and the conflicting views 
of the two parties were put in writing and sent to the 

In September 1685 the viceroy's reply was received 
by Otondo at San Ignacio. Its purport w T as that no 
additional settlements were to be formed, though the 
establishment at San Bruno must be sustained if pos- 
sible until a more suitable site could be found; but 
the capitana had returned without having been able 
to find such a site; the survey of the almiranta for 
pearls had been equally unsuccessful; provisions failed 
again, and Otondo had to transfer his whole company 
to Matanchel, probably at the end of 1685. Here he 
received the order, so familiar to west-coast voyagers 
of the period, and perhaps not altogether unwelcome 
in this case, to escort the pichilingue-threatened gal- 
leon; 33 one more was added to the list of failures to 
conquer California, a failure which in this instance 
cost the government 225,400 pesos. 34 Subsequently, 
during the same or the next year, although the gov- 
ernment refused pecuniary aid to Lucenilla, who w T as 
disposed to renew his attempts, yet it retained confi- 
dence in Otondo, and ordered an advance payment of 

33 Dec. 18, 1G85, news reached Mexico from Acapulco that the China ship 
had arrived on the 14th in company with Otondo's two vessels, which had 
joined her on Nov. 28th. Roble-s, Diario, 442-3. 

34 See also on Ortega's operations in addition to preceding references : 
Navarrete, Sutil y Mex., lxxxiv.-v.; Cortes, Hist., 328; Caro, Tres Sighs, ii. 
63; Cat., Estab. y Prof/., 11-12; Lassepas, B. Cal., 1(55; Vetanevrt, Chron. 
StoEvan., 117-18; Mofras, Explor., i. 103; Gordon's Hist. Mex., 92; Doyle's 
Hist. Pious Fund, 2; Forbes' Cal,, 12-13; Cal., Hist. Chrtt., 23-31; Dice. 
Univ., i. 350; iv. 547; F«cudero, Not. Son., 12; Alvarez, Estudios, iii. 2.S2-7; 
Winterbotham's I list. Georj., iv. 109; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 83-4; Tut- 
hill's Hist. Cal. , 37-40. 

Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 13 


30,000 pesos for a new voyage under that leader. 
On account of the Tarahumara revolt, however, and 
other pressing needs for money, the payment was 
never made. 35 

In 168 5 two vessels under Swan and Townley, 
separating themselves from the fleet of freebooters in 
southern waters, came north for a plundering cruise, 
the main purpose being as usual to capture the Manila 
galleon. Their varied experiences and disasters 
between Acapulco and Jalisco were not within the 
territorial limits of this volume, and have been else- 
where noted. 36 In January 1686, however, Captain 
Swan sailed northward from Banderas Valley and his 
ship reached a point just above Mazatlan, the explora- 
tion being continued in boats farther north in search 
of Culiacan, which was not reached. Swan turned 
about at the beginning of February to meet with 
fresh disasters in the south, losing fifty men at the 
Rio Tololotlan. After this discouragement to British 
enterprise, the ship sailed for Cape San Lucas but 
was driven back by the winds after passing the Maza- 
tlan Islands; and at the end of March sailed from Cape 
Corrientes for the East Indies. William Dampier, 
historian of the expedition, does not quit the coast 
without having his say about Californian geography 
and the strait of Anian. I reproduce his map of this 
region, and add in a note some geographical items 
from his text. 37 

Venegas, followed by later writers, barely mentions 
a voyage to the gulf undertaken at his own expense 
in 1694 by Francisco de Itamarra, who it seems had 
been one of Otondo's companions. He accomplished 

35 Cal, Estab. y Prog., 12; Vmegas, Not. Cat., i. 238-9; Alegre, Hist. 

Com]). Jesus, iii. GO;, Stor. Cal., i. 175-6; Browne's L. Cal., 30—1; 
Burney's Chron. II 1st., iv. 350-1. 

36 See Hist. Mex., iii., this series. 

37 Darn/pier's New Voyage round the World, i. 237-78. See also Hist. 
]\ irthwest Coast, i. 112, this series. He puts C. Corrientes in 20° 28'. The 
northern point of Vnlle de Banderas is called Pt Politique in 20° 50'. Two 



nothing beyond ascertaining that the natives of San 
Bruno had not forgotten the taste of pozole, and 
were clamorous for conversion. 33 This was the last 
expedition of the century save those by which the 
actual occupation of the peninsula was effected, and 
which with subsequent explorations of the gulf will 
be included in the annals of Baja California and So- 
nora in future chapters. Private individuals it must 
be supposed continued to despatch small craft from 
the contra costa manned chiefly by Yaqui crews to 
seek pearls, often with profitable results; but it was 
now well understood that more formal and extensive 
expeditions including in their plan the settlement of 
the country could not be undertaken except at a 
serious loss. 

There were, however, several foreign expeditions 
into these waters during the first half of the eigh- 
teenth century, which require brief mention in con- 
nection with this subject, and which may be more 

small "barren isles 1 1. west called Isle of Politique (Las Marietas); Isl. of 
Chametly, 6 small isles in 23° 10' and 31. from main. (There are no such isles 
off Chametla; by the map they must 
be the Mazatlan group.) Six or 
seven 1. N. n. w. from Chametly 
Isles, in 23° 30', is the mouth of a 
lake which runs about 12 1. parallel 
with the coast, and is called Rio de 
Sal. Landing at the n. e. of this 
lake they marched to Massaclan. 
(The lake must be that at the 
mouths of the Cafias and San Pe- 
dro, but this does not agree with 
either text or map.) Rosario, on a 
river of same name, whose mouth 
is in 22° 51',having near its mouth 
a hill called Caput Cavalli. (This 
would seem to be Rio Chametla, 
and Rosario has preserved its 
name. ) Rio Oleta, eastward of Rio 
Rosario, but not found (San Pedro 
or Canas) ; Rio St lago in 22° 15'; 
Santa Pecaque, 5 1. up the river 
and four hours' march from the 
bank; Santiago 3 1. off, and Com- 
postela21 1. Dampier's Map, 1099. 

38 Venegas, Not. Cat., i. 239-40; Ah^rc, Hist. Comp. Jc-jus, iii. 81; Clavi- 
gero, Stor., Cul., 17G; CaL, Estab. y Prog., 13. 



conveniently noticed here than elsewhere: those of 
Dampier, Rogers, Fronclac, Shelvocke, and Anson. 

Captain William Dampier, a companion of Swan 
eighteen vears before, in 1704 entered northern waters 

Harris' Map, 1705. 

on the St George with sixty-four men. On the Co- 
lima coast in November and December he took several 
prizes, one of them a bark from California carrying 
a few pearls. On December 6th Dampier sighted 
and attacked the Manila galleon; but the guns of that 


craft proved too strong for the St George, and the 
discomfited British had to withdraw from the conflict 
and lose the golden treasure they had come so far to 
seek. This expedition did not reach the Sinaloa or 
California coasts; but the author of the narrative 
introduced some unimportant geographical material 
from Swan's observations, 39 and a careless examina- 
tion perhaps of some Spanish authority. I reproduce 
on the preceding page a map of 1705 from Harris' 
collection of voyages. 40 

Yet a third time Dam pier returned to the coasts 
of New Spain, on this occasion as pilot on Woodes 
Rogers' fleet. The Duke, of 320 tons and 30 guns, 
with 117 men under captains Rogers and Thomas 
Dover — famous for " Dover's powders" rather than 
for his skill as a seaman — and the Duchess of 260 
tons, 26 guns, with 108 men under captains Stephen 
Courtney and Edward Cooke, duly commissioned as 
privateers, left England in August 1708. A year later, 
having doubled Cape Horn, rescued from the island 
of Juan Fernandez Alexander Selkirk of Robinson 
Crusoe fame, and met with many adventures, the two 
vessels with a companion prize, the Marquis, under 
Captain Cooke, and a bark as tender, left Central 
America and sighted Cape Corrientes on October 2, 

Most of October was passed at the Tres Marias, 
where a supply of w r ood, water, and turtles w r as ob- 
tained. The }:>oint of California was decided by a 
majority vote — and all movements of the fleet were 
uniformly decided upon by vote in full council, the 
record being preserved in the narrative — to be the 
best cruising-ground for the expected galleon, and 
therefore in the first days of November the vessels 
took the positions assigned them in a line stretching 
from Cape San Lucas to the south-west, having dur- 

M FunnelVs Voyage round the World, Lond. , 1707, 79-93. The author was 
Dampier's mate. His reputation for accuracy is not good. The map makes 
California an island, but is on too small a scale to furnish details. 
40 Harris, Naviyatium. 


ing the next five or six weeks occasional communica- 
tion with the natives, described as a naked, miserable 
people, without the slightest trace of missionary influ- 
ence. The galleon, however, seemed to have escaped 
the blockade, or else was much later than usual, and 
the hope of meeting her was at last abandoned. The 
15th of December the Marquis was sent into Puerto 
Seguro, or San Bernabe, to refit; and on the 20th it 
was decided to refit the fleet and sail for the Ladrones, 
supplies being barely sufficient for the voyage. 

First a calm and then a gale prevented them from 
entering the port, most fortunately for them, since 
next day the Manila ship hove in sight, and on the 
22d was taken after a sharp fight, for which the men 
were fortified in the absence of liquors by a kettle of 
chocolate and by prayers, which were interrupted by 
the foe's first shot. The prize was the Nicest ra Seuora 
de la Encamacion del Desengano, commanded by Cap- 
tain John Pichberty, carrying twenty large guns and 
the same number of pedreros, and manned by 193 
men, of whom nine were killed and ten wounded. The 
Englishmen had two wounded, one of whom was Cap- 
tain Rogers. 

From the captives it was learned that the Desen- 
gano had sailed with a consort of still larger size; 
consequently it was determined on the 24th that the 
Duchess and Marquis should cruise for eight days in 
the hope that she had not yet passed. They were so 
fortunate as to see the intended prize' and attacked 
her at midnight of the 25th, keeping up the battle at 
intervals until the next night, when the Duke came 
up, and next morning all three united their efforts 
against the monster foe, which was the Bigonia, 900 
tons, carrying 60 brass guns, and as many peclreros, 
with a force of 450 men. She was so strongly built — 
Manila ships were always superior to those built on 
the Mexican coast — that the 500 small balls poured 
into her from the light guns of the buccaneers had no 
apparent effect on her hull, although some damage 


was done to her rigging. Besides her complement 
of 450 men there were among the Bigonids passen- 
gers 150 "European pirates, who having now got all 
their wealth on board were resolved to defend it to 
the last." 

The battle was continued until just before noon of 
the 27th, when the attacking squadron, finding them- 
selves fast becoming disabled without making any 
impression on the enemy, 41 drew off for a council, at 
which it was decided to keep near the enemy until 
night, to lose her in the darkness, and then to give 
their whole attention to saving themselves and their 
first prize. Rogers had again been wounded, as had 
ten of his companions, and a still greater number on 
the Duchess, where eleven were also killed. It was 
Rogers' opinion that had all three vessels gone out to 
the attack together, as he had wished but had been 
overruled by the majority, the prize might have been 
taken by boarding, though after her 'netting-deck' 
and 'close-quarters' were made ready the attempt 
would have been madness. The buccaneers submitted 
with as good grace as possible to the decrees of a kind 
providence which had given them one rich prize. 

The fleet hurried back to Puerto Seguro, whence 
the prisoners from the DesengaTio with others taken 
as hostages in South America, were sent away in the 
bark, Captain Pichberty, a French chevalier, having 
given as a ransom bills of exchange on London for 
6,000 dollars. The prize was renamed the Batchelor, 
manned from the other vessels, and, after a long 
'paper war' of argument and protest, put under the 
nominal command of Captain Dover, but really under 
the control of captains Frye and Stretton, with Alex- 
ander Selkirk as master. Cape San Lucas was last 
seen on January 12, 1710, and the fleet arrived at 

41 Rogers, however, afterward met in Holland a sailor who had been on 
board the galleon and who said she was much disabled, and that the light 
had been kept up only by the gunner who went into the powder-room and 
swore he would blow up the ship if she were surrendered, p. 331. 


the Ladrones in March. The profits of the voyage 
are said to have been nearly £400,000. 42 

Of the many French voyages made to the South 
Sea during this period there are but two which call 
for mention here; and indeed there is nothing beyond 
a mere mention of either extant. In the summer of 
1709 Captain Frondac in the Saint Antoine crossed 
from China by the northern route. He went to 45°, 
a higher latitude than usual, and he also touched on 
the California coast in 31°, shortening his passage by 
the former change and refreshing his men by the lat- 
ter, so that he suffered comparatively little from 
scurvy, the scourge of these waters. 43 In 1721, as 
Anson learned from what he deemed good authority, 
another French vessel made the passage in less than 
fifty days, but only five or six of the crew survived 
the plague. 44 

It was in 1721 also that Captain George Shelvocke, 
after one of the typical privateering cruises on the 
central coasts, came northward in the Sacra Familia, 
a prize taken at Sonsonate. He had left England in 
1719 in company with John Clipperton and the Suc- 
cess, but had soon parted from his consort, meeting 
her again two years later on the Mexican coast, 
where the two cruised for a time together off Aca- 
pulco, hoping to intercept the galleon at her departure 
for the west; but the two commanders were not on 
good terms, and Shelvocke, when no longer needed, 
was treacherously deserted by Clipperton. It was 
chiefly with the hope of again meeting the Success 
that he came so far north on his return to India, fall- 
ing in with Cape Corrientes early in August. Find- 
ing neither consort nor a supply of water after a three 
days' search of the Tres Marias, the Sacra Familia 

42 Rogers 1 Cruising Voyage round the World, 266-312, 356-7. This is the 
commander's own narrative. Capt. Cooke also seems to have written an ac- 
count which was consulted by the editor of Voyages, Hist. Acct., ii. 1-90, and 
in I'oi/ot/cH, New Col., iii. 122-335. The voyage is noticed in many collec- 
tions and in most of the general works referred to in this chapter. 

43 Burney's Chron. Hist, iv. 487; Venegas, Not. CaL, iii. 210-17. 

** Anso7i's Voyage, by Walter, ed. of 1756, 326. 


crossed over to California, and on August 13th anch- 
ored in Puerto Seguro. Here they remained five 
days, watering, and sailed on the 18th for the south- 
west, to the great sorrow of their native friends, who 
had come in large numbers to the shore and even to 
the ship, and had been feasted with unlimited quanti- 
ties of sweetmeats and hasty-pudding. The soil about 
the port when "turned fresh up to the sun appears as 
if intermingled with gold-dust." Thus did each suc- 
cessive visitor contribute his mite to the fund of pop- 
ular marvels respecting California. 45 

Captain George Anson, later Lord Anson, cruised 
in the Pacific from 1740 to 1742 with a fleet of pri- 
vateers duly commissioned by the British government. 
He waited a long time off Acapulco for the westward 
bound ship, but becoming discouraged, he crossed the 
ocean and succeeded in capturing a rich galleon at 
the Philippines. He did not reach the coasts which 
form the territorial basis of these chapters. 46 Padre 
Cavo tells us that a Dutch ship was driven by stress 
of weather to the port of Matanchel in 1747, eighteen 
of the officers and men were invited on shore to dine 
by the alcalde mayor of Huetlan, who had been enter- 
tained on shipboard, and then treacherously arrested 
and sent to Guadalajara. There, however, they were 
released as soon as the treachery was known, and 
hospitably entertained by the leading families until 
an opportunity occurred to send them home. 47 During 
this century the Manila ships frequently touched on 
the peninsula coast, chiefly at the cape port, as I shall 
have occasion to mention in connection with the mis- 
sionary annals of Baja California. 

45 Shelvocke's Voyage round the World, 337-99. The author gives quite a 
long account of California and its people, which Betagh, Voyage, 215-21 — 
who accompanied Shclvocke, and writes chieily to contradict and ridicule his 
commander — pronounces absurdly false where not plagiarized from Woodes 
Rogers. The narrative more or less abridged from these two authorities is 
given in most of the collections published. 

46 Anson's Voyage round the World, compiled by Richard Walter. 

47 Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 159-00. In some papers left by Ignacio Vallejo 
the date of the arrival is given as March 1717, and the leader's name is 
Wilhelm Maal. Vallejo, Hid. Cal., MS., i. 228-9. 




Coast Provinces — Chametla, Copala, Culiacan, Sinaloa, Ostimuri, 
sonora, and plmeria — vlllas of san sebastian and san mlguel — 
San Juan de Mazatlan — San Felipe de Sinaloa — Commandants or 
Governors — The Jesuit Anuas — Captain Hurdaide's Rule — The 
Guazaves — Defeat of the Suaquis — Chiefs Hanged — Expedition 
to Chinipa — Sinaloas Put to Death — Tehueco Campaign — Ocoroni 
Revolt — Conversions — Fuerte de Montesclaros — Spaniards De- 

Campaign— Mayo Missions — Conversion of the Yaquis — Chinipa 
Missions— District of San Ignacio — Distribution of Padres — 
Death of Hurdaide — Perea in Command — Murder of Padres 
Pascual and Martinez — Sonora Valley — District of San Fran- 
cisco Javier — Division of Province — Nueva Andalucia — Jesuits 
versus Franciscans— Padres and Statistics — Rib as' Triumphs of 
the Faith — Condition of the Missions. 

The geography of the regions corresponding to the 
modern Sinaloa and Sonora was in some respects not 
clearly defined during the seventeenth century. Yet 
while I shall name pueblos whose exact location cannot 
be fixed, the prevalent uncertainty respecting precise 
boundaries of provinces and districts, arising often 
from the fact that they had no precise boundaries, 
will interfere but little with the narrative of events, 
as most of the confusing subdivisions of territory had 
no real existence politically or ecclesiastically, being 
simply geographical names in common and often care- 
less usage. Many of the difficulties would moreover 
be removed did such a thing exist as an accurate 
modern map. Glancing at the coast provinces in their 
order from south to north, we find the names Cha- 



metla and Posario applied to the region lying between 
the rivers Canas and Mazatlan. 1 Chametla was the 
aboriginal name when Guzman arrived here in 1530; 
was long applied to the port, to the river, and to a 
real de minas; and it is still found on modern maps. 
A small province east of Chametla on the slope 
of the sierra was sometimes called Maloya. Next 
northward, between the rivers Mazatlan and Piastla, 
was Copala, comprising parts of the Quezala and 
Piastla of Guzman's time. The name rarely appears 
in the annals of the country, and was represented in 
later times by a mining camp in the mountains. 2 Cu- 
liacan, the ancient Ciguatan, Land of Women, ex- 
tended from Piastla to the Pio Culiacan. It included 
the site of San Miguel and the name is still retained 
for city and river. 

Next we find Sinaloa, often described as lying be- 
tween Culiacan and Pio Mayo, but whose limit was 
more properly the Pio del Fuerte, or possibly the 
Alamos. The name was originally that of a tribe 
dwelling on the stream called Pio del Fuerte far from 
the sea; thence it was extended from tribe and river 
to province and capital; then from the capital over 
several provinces within the governor's jurisdiction as 
far north as the Pio Yaqui or even beyond; and it 
has finally remained in use not only for city and for a 
river south of that on which the Sinaloas lived, but 
for the state extending from the Canas to the Ala- 
mos. 3 The provinces thus far named, or at least up 
to the Pio Mocorito, or Evora, were confined to a 
very narrow strip of coast, having on the east the 
mountains of Topia, the annals of which I have in- 

1 The latter stream is oftener called Rio del Presidio. Rio de las Canas 
was probably named for the reeds growing on its banks, but possibly in honor 
of Gov. Canas. Torcjuemada says the province of Mazatlan was called Aca- 
poneta or Chametla. See chapter xi. for map of southern provinces. 

2 The Rio de Piastla was sometimes called Rio Elota, Rio de la Sal, and 
also far up in the mountains Rio Humase. 

3 Sinaloa was also called La Calimaya and Pusolana, and sometimes, in 
connection with Culiacan and Ostimuri, Nuevo Reino de Aragon. The Rio 
del Fuerte was also called Tamotchala, Santiago, Ahome, Suaqui, and even 
Sinaloa. The Rio de Sinaloa was originally the Petatlan. 


eluded in those of Durango. North of Sinaloa was 
Ostimuri, which reached from the Alamos to the Rio 
Yaqui, and up its eastern bank to the latitude of 
Nacori or Sahuaripa. 4 A small pueblo bore, and per- 
haps originated the name, which in modern times was 
still applied to the partido of Alamos. This province 
and those to the north were separated on the east 
from Nueva Vizcaya, or Tarahumara, or Chihuahua, 
by the Sierra Madre. 

All the country north of the Yaqui was sometimes 
called Sonora 5 even at this time, a name which, aug- 
mented by Ostimuri on the south and deprived of 
Arizona on the north, it still retains. Yet it was 
more common anions the Jesuits to restrict the name 


to the valley where it originated; and the terms 
Pimeria Baja and Pimeria Alta, 6 divided by a rather 
vague line just below the rivers Altar and San Igna- 
cio, were the terms perhaps in most common use. 
The provincial divisions thus indicated, except Sina- 
loa and Sonora in their broadest application, will 
occur but rarely in the annals, and may for the most 
part be disregarded. Throughout nearly the whole 
century Sinaloa is the best general name for the 
whole territory; 7 that is, there is no other single 
name that can be properly applied to the whole terri- 

4 Some writers give the Rio Mayo as the line between Sinaloa and Osti- 
muri; but Ostimuri evidently included Alamos. According to Orozco the 
province extended across in the latitude of Nacori to the Rio de Oposura, or 
west branch of the Yaqui. The Rio Mayo was called by Guzman in 1X3 
San Miguel; and the Yaqui, San Francisco; but the latter was also termed by 
the Jesuits Espiritu Santo. Moto-Padilla in 1742 speaks of 'Ostimuri or 
Alamos. ' 

5 Of the origin of this name more hereafter. It was also called for a few 
years only Nueva Andalucia. 

6 According to Apostolicos Afanes and Arricivita, Pimeria Baja extended 
from mouth of the Yaqui to Tccora mission; and Pimeria Alta from Caborca 
east to Terrenate, and San Ignacio north to Rio Gila. New Mexico is often 
named as the northern bound. 

7 On the geography of the coast see Villa Senior, Theatro, ii. 338, 3S5-93; 
Mota-Padilla, Conq. A. Gal., 520-2; Calle, Mem. Noticias, 97; Ribas, Hist. 
Triumphos, 1, 2; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii. pt. iv. 494, 025, 703; Arricivita, 
('/■on., 390; Apostolicos Afanes, 230-1; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 92-3j 
Orozco y Berra, Geo<j., 328-9, 337-8; Mange, Hist. Pirn., 392-3; Torquemada, 
Monarq. Ltd., i. 097; America, Descrip., 120; Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 


tory, which was under one government; yet in view 
of later divisions, and of the fact that even then 
Sinaloa w T as commonly regarded as extending only to 
the Yaqui, I have deemed it best to use the double 
term Sinaloa and Sonora in the heading of this chap- 

It is to be remembered, however, that the coast 
provinces were still in an important sense a part of 
Nueva Vizcaya, being in this century as from the 
first subject to the governor of that country residing 
at Durango. Yet, as the original idea had been to 
restrict Vizcaya to the region east of the Sierra 
Madre, as the sierra still formed a natural bound and 
barrier rendering communication difficult, and espe- 
cially as the governor's authority on the coast was 
delegated to a military comandante, often spoken of 
as governor of Sinaloa, it became a common usage 
to apply the name Nueva Vizcaya to the eastern 
country corresponding to the modern Durango and 
Chihuahua; and this usage I find it most convenient 
both for writer and reader to follow in the present 

The southern provinces from Chametlato Culiacan, 
inclusive, a narrow strip of territory along the coast — 
not including the mountainous Topia district which I 
have found it most convenient to include in Durango 
for historical purposes, though a large part of it was 
west of the sierra summit — came as near having no 
recorded history as is possible in a country where 
some civilized men lived and where each year may be 
supposed to have had its complement of days. There 
were no missions proper here; but missionaries from 
the adjoining districts on the south and east and north 
made occasional visits, as did the bishop, for the spir- 
itual edification of the Spanish inhabitants and na- 
tives, all of whom were nominally Christians since 
the early years of Franciscan efforts. 

The villa of San Sebastian de Chametla seems to 


have maintained its existence under an alcalde mayor 
and curate, with a presidial guard for defensive pur- 
poses. Of mining operations absolutely nothing is 
known, though there are indications that the mines 
were not altogether abandoned. In 1G03 the explorer 
Vizcaino touching at Mazatlan found a mule-train on 
the road between Culiacan and Chametla, and obtained 
aid from Captain Martin Ruiz de Aguirre, described 
as alcalde mayor of the province. 8 At an unknown 
date between this time and 1G33 a town of San Juan 
de Mazatlan was founded. Juan de Arriaran was 
alcalde mayor of the town and military commandant 
of the Rio Piastla at the time of Ortega's visit in the 
year mentioned. 9 The name Mazatlan was originally 
that of a native town on the river; and navigators 
had several times touched at the port, but I find no 
record of any Spanish settlement before Ortega's 
visit; 10 and the later visits of gulf navigators recorded 
in earlier chapters have left no information about the 
place for a century and more. Calle tells us that in 
1G4G there were in this southern region four alcaldes 
mayores all appointed by the governor of Nueva Viz- 
caya; those of Piastla and Mazatlan, of Chametla 
and Salinas, of the Maloya mines, and of San Sebas- 
tian, where was a presidio and captain. 11 

At the north still existed the ancient villa of San 
Miguel de Culiacan. Its alcalde mayor, unlike those 
of other settlements, was appointed by the audiencia 
of* Guadalajara, at a salary of six hundred and ninety- 
six pesos. There was also a curate in charge of the 
parochial district. We have no names of officials, no 

8 See p. 159 of this volume. 

9 Ortega, Description. MS. Pedro de Ribera is named as curate ; and Alf. 
Juan Pardo, Martin Fernandez, and Francisco Martin were vecinos. 

10 According to Mazatlan, Datos Estad., in Soc. Alex. Geog., 2da dp., iv. 
C5, there arc no records extant on the earliest history of Mazatlan. 

11 Calle, Mem. Not., 97-101. This author also names 16 corregimientos 
yielding from 20 to 200 pesos of tribute in the province of Culiacan y Natoato. 
They arc Istlaxe y Guzmanilla, Tecurimeto, Navito y Naboato, Xabolato, 
Chilobito, Cuspita y Tolobato, Cobota y Cocala, Culaca y Ognane, Vizcaino y 
Tecolinuocimala, Acala y San EstCvan, Alicama Abanito y Dato, Apacha y 
Baila, Soloneto, Lauroto, Loto, Auilameto la Galga, Mobolo y el Nucvo y 
Vicjo Tcpuche. 


record of local happenings, and no statistics of popu- 
lation. There were, perhaps, from thirty to fifty 
Spanish families, besides a few Aztecs and Tlascal- 
tecs. Nearly every year the Jesuits came down from 
the north for a mission tour among the natives, by 
whom they were always well received. 

At San Felipe y Santiago de Sinaloa on the Rio 
Petatlan was stationed a garrison of from thirty to 
forty men, besides, a little later, a fort on the Bio 
Fuerte farther north. The captain of the garrison 
was appointed by the viceroy; but from the gov- 
ernor of Nueva Vizcaya he received the appointment 
of alcalde mayor, and, as already stated, was often 
called governor of Sinaloa. From 1600 to 1626 the 
position was held by Captain Diego Martinez de 
Hurdaide; then by Pedro de Perea to 1641, ex- 
cept in 1G3G, when Francisco Bustamante held the 
place; by Luis Cestin de Canas to 1644; and by Juan 
Peralta y Mendoza perhaps for the rest of the half 
century, he being succeeded by Porter y Casanate. 12 
San Felipe had a population of some eighty families 
de razon in the middle of the century, their spiritual 
necessities being attended to by the Jesuits, whose 
central establishment, or college, was here, and who 
had also a school for native boys. By the missiona- 
ries the citizens are highly praised for their good char- 
acter and marked devotion to religion; but of events 
and men from a secular point of view, we know prac- 
tically nothing. Indeed, were it not for the Jesuit 
missionary annals, the record for the north would be 
almost as meagre as that of the southern provinces. 

Fortunately the Jesuit annals, especially in the 
early years, are quite complete. In addition to the 
standard chronicles of Bibas and Alegre, with occa- 
sional aid from other sources, I have before me the 
regular anuas, or annual records of the provincial, 
made up from the letters of the missionaries them- 

12 Some slight references for dates of succession, etc., will be given later. 





selves. These are very bulky and minute, but as in 
the case of similar records for an earlier period already 
noticed, only a small portion can be profitably util- 
ized for historical purposes. The primary object of 
the missionaries was to convert gentiles to the faith ; 
the struggle between divine and diabolic influences in 
the case of some poor sick Indian girl must be re- 
corded in full. Other matters affecting: events and 
institutions and men were of secondary importance, 
to be mentioned incidentally, if at all, and there were 
as yet no controversies with secular authorities or 
settlers to claim space in their correspondence. 13 

In 1600 five Jesuit missionaries, Perez, Velasco, 
Villafane, Orobato, and Mendez, had founded eight 
missions with substantial churches, and were at work 
in some thirteen towns on and near the rivers Sina- 
loa and Mocorito, having also visited the tribes on 
the Rio Tamotchala and beyond, but without found- 
ing as yet any mission there. Certain disturbances 
in 1599 had caused Captain Alonso Diaz to send 
Hurdaide his lieutenant to Mexico with a request 
for reinforcements and for the comandante's relief 
from office. At the end of the year Hurdaide came 
back as comandante with ten soldiers, thus increasing 
the presidial force to thirty-six. He proved a model 
captain in every respect, no less noted for the piety 
and justice which endeared him to Jesuit and convert 
than for the activity and valor which made him a 
terror to unruly savages, to keep whom in subjection 
by the aid of his small force, was a duty that left him 
but little rest during his rule of nearly thirty years. 14 

The new captain's first task was to quiet the Gua- 
zaves, who had burned their church and fled to the 

13 The annas are contained in Slnaloa. Mem. Hist,, MS., 340-803. They 
are for the years 1601-2, 1604, 1G10-17, 1619-26, 1628-9. 

11 He conqnered, according to Iiibas, Hist. Triumphos, 85-6, over 20 nations 
and not one of his soldiers ever fell into the hands of the foe; but he spent all his 
private fortune in the work, dying in debt. He had a peculiar way of sending 
his orders, four seals of wax on*a paper without writing forming the token 
borne by his messenger, who wore it in a reed stuck in the hair. It was un- 
derstood that any interference with a messenger bearing this credential would 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 14 


woods. The offenders were hanged, but the chief, 
Don Pablo, ordered his people back to Christian life, 
and was pardoned. Both chief and subjects became 
noted later for their faith, and the former once had 
his sight miraculously restored. New and fine churches 
of adobe replaced the burnt structures, but were de- 
stroyed by floods a few years later. The Guazaves 
quieted, the valiant captain deemed the time a fitting 
one to humble the hostile Suaquis, who had exhibited 
a threatening indifference to the salvation of their 
souls by Spanish methods. He did it in an original 
way. Wild cattle had, it seems, greatly multiplied in 
the north since the abandonment of Carapoa, and 
Hurdaide ordered a grand hunt for meat. Keaching 
the Suaqui country he produced shackles and ropes, 
explaining to his astonished company of twenty-four 
that each man was required to seize and bind two of 
the foe. The natives coming to make inquiries were 
informed of the projected hunt and promised a share 
of the meat; then the common people were sent to 
gather wood for a grand barbecue, while the haughty 
chiefs remained. At the word 'Santiago!' forty-three 
were seized by the hair and secured with some diffi- 
culty, except two who escaped. The plebeians soon 
came up with bows and arrows, but without leaders 
could do nothing, and were finally persuaded through 
a Christian woman, Luisa, that they would be much 
better off without chiefs, and that no harm would be 
done to them if they kept quiet. The masses retired 
to their towns; but the wives of the captives remained 
and bravely attempted a rescue, attacking the Span- 
iards with stones. Fathers Mendez and Velasco came 
up to prepare the victims for death; all but two be- 
came Christians; and all, save two killed in the skir- 
mish with the women, were handed on two trees. Dona 
Luisa was sent to the towns with the admonition to 

be promptly and terribly avenged, and before long the seals were respected 
by oven the most distant and hostile tribes. A bloody knife was also sent 
occasionally as a threat of punishment. See also Id. , 81-2, 93, 97, 100; 
Alegre, Hist. Comjp. Jesus, i. 387-8; Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 398. 


the people to be good Indians, and on no account to 
take down the suspended bodies. 15 

The viceroy had ordered an exploration of the Chi- 
nipa country in search of certain rich mines reported 
to exist there, and Hurdaide seems to have started 
immediately after his exploit among the Suaquis in 
the spring of 1601. Father Mendez accompanied him 
in search of spiritual treasure, and Sinaloa guides were 
taken who proved to be treacherous. The Spaniards 
were attacked April 10th in a difficult pass and a part 
of the company was besieged for a day or two in a 
mountain refuge ; but no lives were lost, and the pros- 
pectors were able to reach a Chinipa rancheria called 
Curepo, where silver ore was indeed found, but not so 
rich as had been expected. A native woman was 
taken back for later use as a messenger or interpreter, 
and on the return march the treacherous Sinaloas 
were punished by having their fields ravaged and four- 
teen of their number put to death. 16 

The Ahomes now complained that the Tehuecos 
had come down the river to usurp their lands and to 
maltreat their women. Hurdaide of course started 
at once, desiring to encourage the friendly spirit of 
the Ahomes; but on the way was opposed by the 
united Suaquis and Sinaloas, who had apparently 
forgotten their late chastisement. Taxicora, chief of 
the Sinaloas, was seized at the first approach by the 
captain's own hand, and his men retreated, fearing to 
kill their leader. Again the Spaniards were attacked 
in a forest where the horsemen could not operate. 
Taxicora's orders had no effect to make his men desist, 
but when Hurdaide rushed out single-handed, cap- 

u ffibas, 87-92. Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 398-9, says that 24 leaders of the 
Suaques and inciters of revolt were hanged. 

16 Vtlasco, Carta al Padre Provincial, 1601, MS., in Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., 
343-50. There was a pestilence this year which killed many, chiefly old 
people, at Ocoroni and Nio. There were many marvellous cures. Of 128 
adults baptized 58 died. The natives at first captured a few pack-mules, the 
sacred utensils carried by the padre, and a copper kettle which they used as 
a drum in the premature celebration of victory. The Chinipas lived within 
the limits of the modern Chihuahua, liibas, 95-9-; Alegre, i. 388-9. 


tured one of the savages, and hanged him to a tree, 
the rest retired. Advancing to the Matava Valley, 
he drove the Tehuecos to the woods and captured 
two hundred women and children, who were given up 
on the promise of the tribe to return to their home 
and let the Ahomes alone. The latter people were 
not only grateful but clamorous for missionaries. Not 
yet done with the Suaquis the comandante stopped 
on his return at their town of Mochicavi. The war- 
riors fled, but sent by Luisa their apologies that the 
Sinaloas alone had been to blame. Their lives and 
town were spared, but they had to make certain pres- 
ents to the native allies, and, as a still more humili- 
ating penance, to lose their war-locks, the mark of 
honor most prized by the braves. Taxicora was con- 
demned to the gibbet at San Felipe, and died a good 
Christian. 17 There were now in the held four priests, 
Father Orobato having disappeared from the list, and 
one lay brother Francisco Castro. Baptisms in 1602 
were 850, two thirds of which were in the new Gua- 
zave district. The boys' school at San Felipe had 
now thirty native pupils. 

Padres and mission paraphernalia were needed in 
order to take spiritual advantage of recent military 
successes, and Hurdaide accordingly made a trip to 
Mexico, apparently in 1603-4, with a party of native 
chiefs. His requests were granted by Viceroy Montes- 
claros. His Indians were feted and oiven fine clothing 
and swords, and he brought back two new missionaries, 
Cristobal de Villalta and Andres Perez de Ribas, the 
latter subsequently famous as the chronicler of his 
order in Nueva Vizcaya. At Zacatecas, on the re- 
turn, four of the native traders ran away and hastened 

17 See Native Races, i., this series. In the Annas of 1602, 378-408, Taxi- 
cora is said to have had a compact with Satan, and to have been the inciter 
of the attack of 1G01. In a trip of the captain and Bro. Castro to the Suaqui 
country for corn, the people are said to have been found friendly. Another 
apostate native was -put to death for inciting a revolt on the Evora River. 
Two tours to Culiacan Valley this year, and Padre Santaren from Topia also 
spent some time there. Alegre, i. 410-11, writes the names in Hurdaide's 
entrada Matahoa Valley and Mochicauis pueblo; see also liibas, 100-5. 


home, after committing three murders on the Topia 
frontier, to preach revolt among the Tehuecos, some 
of whom fled to join the Tepahues, fearing punish- 
ment for the crimes of their chiefs. At the same 
time the Christians of Ocoroni and Bacoburito re- 
volted, not without provocation it is said, and burned 
their churches. It was also during Hurdaide's ab- 
sence that the country was visited by floods which 
destroyed crops, undermined adobe churches, did some 
damage even in the villa, and drove neophytes and in 
some cases even padres to the mountains. Father 
Menclez was kept up in a tree for a day and night, 
while Father Velasco was imprisoned for four days in 
his sacristy. Hurdaide heard the bad news at Topia 
on a day when he had taken a purge, but he felt that 
providence was on his side and he could not be de- 
terred from hastening homeward. After a sharp fight 
he defeated the Bacoburitos, put the leading rebels to 
death, and forced the rest to rebuild their church. 
The Tehuecos were easily quieted and induced to 
pursue the four murderers, who were executed on the 
very spot where their crime had been committed. 
The Ocoronis gave more trouble; some young men at 
school under Padre Menclez refused to join the revolt; 
but the rest, four hundred strong, liecl from their 
pueblo and were scattered among wild tribes, some 
v families of the number taking refuge in the far 
north among the Yaquis. By 1G04 the Jesuits are 
said to have baptized 40,000 natives, while Velasco 
had prepared a grammar and vocabulary of one of 
the leading lan^uaofes. 18 

The nations of the Bio Tamotchala wanted padres, 
and as their promises were all that could be desired, 
the superior, Padre Perez, announced the following 
distribution: Bibas was to take charge of the Ahomes 

18 According to the Anua of 1004, 408-14, however, the total number of 
baptisms is given as 10,003. Baptisms for 1G04 were 1,000. Escudero, Not. 
So, i., 43, and Calle tells us that Queen Margarita sent golden tabernacles for 
the new churches. See Bibas, 97-9, 105-9, 125-G; Aleijre, i. 424-G; Calle x 
Mem. Not., 98. 


and Suaquis, Mendez of the Tehuecos and allied bands, 
and Villalta of the Sinaloas, all the tribes being thus 
provided for in the order of their respective homes 
from the coast up the river. 19 Bibas went to his sta- 
tion at once and seems to have met no obstacles from 
the first. The Ahomes had always been peaceful and 
friendly, and within a year every man, woman, and 
child, two thousand or more, had been baptized, and 
all were living in two towns, where handsome adobe 
churches had taken the place of temporary jacales and 
enramadas. The mountain Batucaris and the fish- 
eatino: Bacore^ues of the coast were induced to come 
and join the Ahomes; while the wild Comoporis, speak- 
ing the Ahome dialect, were converted within two 
years, although not willing to quit their old home. 
Even the Suaquis kept their promises, built fine 
churches in their three towns, and experienced a rad- 
ical change of character, largely through the influence 
of Dona Luisa. Mendez went amonof the Tehuecos 
probably in 1606 and met with equal success, although 
there had been some fear about this people on ac- 
count of their polygamous customs. The padre took 
with him no military escort and no attempt was made 
to interfere with the civil powers of the native chief- 
tains. The Bacabachis were among his converts. At 
the same time Villalta went up the river among the 
Sinaloas, baptized four hundred children the first day, 
and within a year reduced the whole tribe to Christi- 
anity and to village life in three towns. A deadly 
epidemic caused a temporary relapse into superstitious 
rites; but the reaction when these rites proved un- 
availing helped the new faith and the implements of 
sorcery were burned. Suicide by poisoning is men- 
tioned as one of the worst habits of the Sinaloas, but 
it was gradually abandoned with the old beliefs. 20 

19 The river at this period was called most commonly Rio Ahome, Suaqui, 
Tehueco, and Sinaloa, according to the tribe living in the territory referred to. 

'-'"Alcgre, i. 42G-S, 4G0, says the Ahomes and Suaquis numbered over 1,000 
each, the Tehuecos 5,500 warriors, and the Sinaloas over 1,000 fami- 
lies. See also Dice. Univ., x. 50G-8. The Annas are missing for 1G05-9. 


In 1607 some six thousand souls of the hostile 
rancherias of Chicoratos, Cahuimetos, and Ogueras, 
living 1 in the mountains south-eastward from San 


Felipe, were induced by Father Velasco to embrace 
Christianity after Hurdaide had visited their country 
and bought from their neighbors land for their towns 
and rnilpas. Ribas also speaks of certain Toroacas 
who revolted and took refuge on an island to which 
the captain crossed on rafts, bringing back the fugi- 
tives, hanging seven leaders, and scattering the rest 
among the Guazave towns, where they became the 
best of Christians. 21 In these years, 1607-9, several 
new missionaries were sent to Sinaloa, including per- 
haps Pedro Velasco, Laurencio Adame, Alberto Cleri- 
cis, Juan Calvo, and Luis de Bonifacio; at least these 
names appear within a few years without other record 
of their arrival. Several of them arrived by v/aj of 
Topia at the end of 1609. Padre Velasco was a rela- 
tive of the viceroy of that name, and in three years 
he baptized 1,900 converts. 22 Another Jesuit of this 
period, whose name I do not find in the annual records, 
was Vicente de Aguila. 23 

In 1610 the Fuerte cle Montesclaros — named for 
the viceroy who had ordered its construction but had 
ceased to rule in 1607 — was built on the south bank 
of the river called from this fort Pio del Fuerte. It 
was built of adobes with a tower at each corner, and 
located on a hillock surrounded on three sides by a 

21 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 9-10, perhaps alludes to the same affair when 
he speaks of coast Indians under P. Alberto Clericis, not before named, who 
retired to a mountain nearly surrounded with water, and were coaxed hack 
by the padre. This was in 1008, and 3,238 persons were baptized that year. 
Mibas, 125. 

22 Anna, 1610, 414-37. There are some letters from Velasco, who seems 
to have come in 1G07; also a letter from another of the new-comers not named. 
According to a biographical sketch in Dice. Univ., i. G54, Padre Bonifacio was 
a native of Jaen, born in 1578, who became a Jesuit in 1598. came to America 
in 1G02, and served 20 years in Sinaloa. He afterward became provincial, 
and died at the college of Valladolid in 1644. 

23 Who, as will be seen later, died at Ahome in 1041, after 35 years of ser- 
vice in Sinaloa. He wrote several artes, vocabularies, sermones, doctrinas, 
etc. , in native dialects. 


broad grassy plain, which furnished food for the 
soldiers' horses, and prevented secret attacks by the 
natives. Here were stationed ordinarily a corporal 
and a few soldiers. The site was in the Tehueco 
country and almost identical with that of the ancient 
San Juan Bautista de Carapoa. 24 

It was also in 1610 that peace was made with the 
Yaquis after several serious reverses. Some years 
before the Ocoronis had revolted, and forty families 
under the apostate chief Lautaro seem to have taken 
refuge among the Yaquis. Lautaro, and Babilomo a 
Suaqui cacique, attempted without success to arouse 
the Mayos, who were hostile to the Yaquis, and for 
that reason, perhaps, well disposed toward the Span- 
iards. Hurdaide pursued the Ocoronis in 1609 up to 
the country of the Yaquis, who made no attack, but 
strong in spirit and number, there being thirty thou- 
sand in eighty rancherias, they disregarded alike 
threats of punishment and offers of pardon, absolutely 
refusing to give up Lautaro and his party. Unpre- 
pared for war the captain returned to Sinaloa. It 
seems, however, that there was a party in favor of 
peace, for the chief Anabailatei soon came to San 
Felipe 25 with an offer to make peace and give up the 
fugitives if Christian Indians were sent to receive 
them. A party of Tehuecos was therefore sent with 
two converted Yaqui women; but the latter were 
seized and the former plundered, and with few excep- 
tions killed, Anabailatei having been treacherous, or 
perhaps having been overpowered by Lautaro in the 
savage councils. 

Again Hurdaide hastened northward with forty 
soldiers and two thousand allies, including some gentile 
Mayos. The army reached the river, encamped, and 
had even received some overtures for peace, when the 

24 Some description in Anna, 1610, MS., 428; Ribas, 17S-9; Alegre, ii. 30; 
Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 534; Dice. Univ., ix. 886-7. 

25 Or to Hurdaide's camp on thcYaqui according to Alegre, who represents 
these events as having occurred before his return southward, as is perhaps 
more likely. 


camp was assailed at daybreak by eight thousand 
warriors. The battle raged nearly all day and the 
loss of life was great among the Indians on both sides. 
Hurdaide took a few prisoners, but many of his sol- 
diers were badly wounded, and he was forced to order 
a retreat. 26 The Yaquis were naturally exultant and 
continued their preparations and drill under the in- 
struction of Lautaro, who claimed ability to teach the 
most effective tactics against horses and muskets. 
The Spaniards at Sinaloa and in the missions were 
correspondingly despondent; but Hurdaide fitted out 
a third expedition, obtained aid from San Miguel de 
Culiacan, and marched northward at the head of fifty 
mounted Spaniards and four thousand allies, the 
largest army that had trod the soil since the days of 
Guzman and Coronado. A^ain was the brave co- 
mandante attacked at dawn, and a^ain after a battle of 
several hours was he forced to retreat, losing most of 
his supplies and this time hotly pursued by the Yaqui 
warriors. Fighting as they retreated the Spaniards 
were hard pressed in a difficult pass, where the savages 
were protected by trees and horsemen could not op- 
erate advantageously. With a view to gain time and 
to prevent a threatened panic among the allies, Hur- 
daide with the vanguard charged back upon the foe, 
who yielded a little at first, but then rallied with such 
effect that the allies broke and ran away, while the 
rear-guard, panic-stricken, fled also southward to re- 
port the death of all their companions. 

The captain had five arrow wounds, and most of 
his twenty-two men were wounded, as were most of 
his horses; but after prodigies of desperate valor they 
reached a high bare hill, which they held till night- 
fall in spite of attempts of the savages to burn or 
smoke them out by firing the grass and shrubbery. 
The situation was critical; but at night many of the 

20 The Anna of 1G09 with a detailed account of the earlier transactions is 
missing; but in that of 1G10, p. 429-34, is given a r6smne. In this account, 
however, this second expedition and, defeat are not mentioned. 


foe withdrew to defend their rights in the distribution 
of the spoils, when the Spaniards by an ingenious 
ruse and much good luck were able to escape. " They 
let loose a band of wounded horses, which as was 
expected stampeded for the river; and while the 
Indians gave their whole attention to the capture of 
these animals and their supposed riders, the soldiers 
gained a start which enabled them to reach the Mayo 
country and finally the San Felipe. The Spaniards 
who had abandoned their leader in the Yaqui country 
were pardoned at the intercession of the padres and 
by the advice of the comandante, though the governor 
was disposed to deal severely with them. 27 This 
disastrous defeat seems, in some manner not quite 
clear, to have been as effectual in promoting the 
objects of the Spaniards as a victory could have been. 
Ribas tells us that Hurdaide was much troubled at 
his failure, knowing that his campaign was not 
approved by the governor, and that he could not 
renew his efforts without aid from the viceroy; but he 
caused reports to be circulated of three grand expedi- 
tions being organized, expeditions which had no 
existence save in the boasting, but which frightened 
the Yaqui s into suing for peace. Alegre on the 
other hand claims that the Yaquis were impelled to 
submit by their admiration of Spanish valor in the 
last campaign; 23 while Mange's theory is that God 
humbled gentile obstinacy in this instance by a 
miracle, causing the report of fire-arms, whizzing of 
balls, and all the noise of conflict to haunt the ears 
of the savages until frightened and worn out they 
w r ere forced to yield. However this may be they 
soon opened negotiations for peace, first through 

27 'God forgive the men who forsook me and put the whole province in such 
jeopardy,' wrote Hurdaide in his letter to the padre from the Mayo. Some 
of the soldiers died from the effects of their wounds. Alegre says that some 
Indians remained with the captain, of whom about 100 escaped. 

28 This is also the view taken in the Jesuit Anna, except that Hurdaide's 
defeat is not admitted. After all his allies and half his soldiers had deserted 
him, he won a glorious and miraculous victory. Why under these circum- 
stances he retreated is not explained. 


female ambassadors and the Mayos, and later through 
a deputation of chieftains. They agreed to deliver 
the fugitives who had in a measure caused the late 
troubles, to return all plunder, and to remain at peace 
with the Mayos and all other tribes who were friendly 
to the Spaniards. This treaty was ratified with great 
festivities on April 25, 1G10, and very soon the 
Yaquis were asking for padres, sending also fourteen 
children for instruction. Lautaro and Babilomo were 
condemned to death. The submission of the Yaquis 
led to the establishment of friendly relations with 
many other tribes, and eighty thousand souls were 
this year brought to the very doors of salvation. 29 

Bishop Juan del Valle of Guadalajara in a tour 
through his diocese visited Sinaloa in 1G10, accom- 
panied by Father Juan Gallegos. On his arrival he 
was entertained, and perhaps somewhat terrified as 
well, by hordes of natives who went through the 
manoeuvres of a sham attack on the episcopal party. 
The bishop was at San Felipe for five da} r s at Christ- 
mas, and in that time confirmed over eight thousand 
persons, Spanish and natives. He subsequently ex- 
pressed himself as delighted with the condition of 
affairs in this country, and with the Jesuit manage- 
ment. 30 

On account of the new fort, the Yaqui treaty, and 
the bishop's visit, the missionaries regarded their pros- 
pects as in every way encouraging; baptisms were 
over seventeen hundred for the year ; but the destruc- 
tion of certain idols by Padre Mendez aroused the 
native sorcerers and caused a revolt amonar the Tehue- 


29 On the Yaqui wars see Pubas, 2S3-301; Alegre, ii. 31-8; Mange, Hist. 
Pimeria, 398-9; Stone's Sonora, 15. Urrea in Soc. M ex. Geog., ii. 42-4, gives 
a curious and for the most part fictitious narrative of Hurdaide's campaigns 
in 1G25-30, full of particulars, and involving the massacre of a padre and a 
body of troops. There arc a few slight indications that the story is based on 
the Yaqui wars of earlier times. Ribas implies erroneous^ that the conquest 
was as late as 1G15 and that Iturbe's arrival had an influence in subduing 
the Indians. 

30 Anna, 1G11, MS., 449etseq.; Alegre, ii. 53; Ribas, 175-6; Calle, 98. 


cos in 1611. Enough of the neophytes, however, 
remained faithful to save the life of the padre until a 
guard of four men was sent up from Sinaloa. The 
padre, old and feeble, was transferred to Ocoroni, re- 
tiring next year to Mexico. Laurencio Adame took 
his place; but the troubles could not be checked, the 
church was burned, other towns, as Nacori and Siviri- 
joua, joined the revolt, the Tehuecos took refuge with 
the Tepahues of the sierra, and Father Adame retired 
to San Felipe in 1612. What the garrison of Fort 
Montesclaros was doing all this time does not appear. 
Captain Hurdaide after vain efforts to bring about a 
friendly settlement marched to the Tepahue country 
with his forty soldiers and two thousand allies. To 
such of the latter as were not yet Christians Hur- 
daide had to grant the privilege of beheading or 
scalping the foe; yet in the interests of humanity 
he offered a horse for each living captive. 31 This 
was in 1613, and Padre Ribas went with the 
army. The foe counted on having to resist only a 
short campaign, and were much disconcerted by a 
message from Hurdaide that he was coining prepared 
to spend a year in their country if necessary. Accord- 
ingly the Spaniards on entering Tepahue territory 
deliberately encamped to wait for the natives to devour 
their accumulated supplies. This course, with Hur- 
daide's discovery and disregard of a plotted ambush, 
induced the Conicaris, one of the hostile bands, to sue 
for peace. Soon after the captain moved forward, and 
met the fugitive Tehuecos returning en masse to beg; 
for pardon. He was very severe at first, threatening 
flogging for the women and more bloody retribution 
for the men; but finally Father Ribas interceded as 
had been agreed upon beforehand, and the rebels, 
burning their weapons and giving up certain leaders, 
were pardoned and sent home. The Spaniards en- 

31 The statement that some encomenderc-s were required to join the expe- 
dition or to arm for the protection of the villa is the only indication that the 
encomienda system was in vogue here at this date. 


camped again near the Tepahue strongholds, were 
reduced for a week to the terrible hardship of eating 
beef though it was Lent, and allowed the allies to 
ravage the enemy's cornfields. All overtures for 
peace were rejected with scorn. A series of well 
contested battles ensued, in which the allies took 
many Tepahue heads for their bloody orgies, and the 
Spaniards were uniformly victorious, despite unusual 
obstacles in the shape of sharp and poisoned stakes 
concealed in the grass over which they had to march. 
The country was devastated and seven chiefs, some 
of them apostate Christians, were taken and executed. 
The foe did not formally surrender, and Hurdaide 
retired when his provisions were nearly exhausted; 
but the surrender, together with the usual petition for 
missionaries, the best means of conciliation as the 
wily savages well knew, arrived at San Felipe but 
little later than the army. The Tehuecos, eight 
thousand in number, were reduced from three villages 
to two, and soon became exemplary Christians. A 
padre was sent to the Tcpahues, who came down and 
settled in a town on the Rio Mayo, where they built 
a fine church and remained quiet for more than thirty 
years. 32 

The conversion of one tribe was tediously like that of 
another in these years. To feel a deep interest in such 
missionary annals one needs, whether he be historian 
or reader, all the padres' faith in the incalculable benefit 
conferred by conversion on each savage. It was about 
1612 that Father Villalta, from his station among the 
Sinaloas, added the Huites and Zoes to the list of con- 
vert tribes, without incident requiring notice. There 
were also at this period disorders, burning of churches, 
abandonment of towns, and killing of several natives, 

32 Annas, 1611-13, 437-80, where the Tehueco expedition is described 
in a letter of Padre Andres Perez. Padre Calvo also writes of another slight 
revolt at San Ignacio. Four new churehes were completed in 1612. Alegre, 
ii. 4G-7, 55, 60-2, gives a letter from Pdbas describing the campaign somewhat 
less fully than in his Hist. Triumphos, 180-91. See, also, Rivera, Gob. de 
Mex., i. 103; Dice. Univ., x. 530. 


vaguely recorded as having occurred among the Chi- 
coratos and Cahuimetos south of the Kio Sinaloa, who 
were in charge of Father Calvo and Juan Bautista 
"Velasco. The latter, a pioneer in this field, where he 
had served for over twenty years, died in 1613. 33 
The Tepehuanes are said to have had some influence 
in fomenting these disorders. 

In 1613 also a mission was founded among the 
Mayos, who, thirty thousand in number according to 
Bibas' estimate, lived on the river of the same name, 
their country being bounded on the north by that of 
their foes, the Yaquis. They had always been friendly 
to the Spaniards; had done good service as allies 
against hostile tribes ; and had of late been clamoring 
for padres. The matter was referred to Viceroy Gua- 
dalcazar, and the venerable Padre Mendez, who- had 
retired to Mexico but was tired of inaction, was sent 
again into the field. With a guard of thirty men 
under Hurdaide, he entered the Mayo territory where 
his success was immediate, extraordinary, and perma- 
nent. Seven large towns with a population of twenty 
thousand, or nine thousand as Alegre states, were 
founded within a space of eighteen leagues, while 
three thousand one hundred children, to say nothing 
of the sick and aged, were baptized within fifteen days. 
A famine raging at the time contributed to the padre's 
success, and his influence was felt beyond Mayo limits 
among the Nevomes and Nuris. Thus 1613 may be 
regarded as the date when missionary work began in 
the modern Sonora. 34 

33 Juan Bautista Velasco was a native of New Spain, and was 29 years of 
age when he came to Sinaloa. Though always delicate he was a zealous 
worker. He excelled all the other Jesuits in his knowledge of the native 
languages, and prepared several grammars and vocabularies for the benefit of 
his associates. It was his pride that he had never sinned carnally and never 
told a lie. His illness was a slow fever lasting three months, and he died on 
July 29, 1G13. His body was carried to the villa eight leagues from his mis- 
sion, escorted by all his neophytes, and received with unusual honors by the 
citizens and soldiers under Captain Hurdaide. Father Luis Bonifacio gives a 
sketch of Velasco's life and a eulogy of his character in a letter to the provin- 
cial. Anna, 1613, 474-80. 

Si Anua, 1(113-1 J h MS., 480-522. Letters of Padre Mendez and Capt. Hur- 
daide about the Mayo mission. Nine thousand registered, 3,000 baptized, 


It would seem to have been in 1615 that mission- 
aries first visited the Nevomes and Nuris, and a large 
party of the former came down from their northern 
home to join their countrymen who had been settled at 
Bamoa since the time of Cabeza de Vaca's arrival. 35 
In the same year also the pearl-seeking craft of Iturbe 
or Cardona arrived on the coast, the presence of their 
crews having a salutary effect on the natives. 36 The 
revolt of the Tepehuanes in Durango caused much 
uneasiness in Sinaloa from 1616 to 1618, the great 
fear being that the rebels would effect an alliance with 
the Yaquis; but nothing of the kind occurred, and the 
only open disturbance was experienced in the south on 
the Topia frontier, where Padre Calvo's pueblos of 
Chicorato, Cahuimeto, and Yecorato were repeatedly 
threatened. The neophytes, however, resisted temp- 
tation and even went so far as to cut off the heads of 
certain Tepehuane emissaries. The unconverted but 
friendly Tubaris also refused all aid to the apostates, 
and soon embraced the new faith. 37 According to the 
annual record of 1616 there were now eleven priests 
and three brothers in the Sinaloa field, working in 
nine partidos. The fourteen have been named in the 
text and notes, besides Father Aguila, a doubtful 

seven churches. See also Ribas, 113, 200, 237-53; Alegre, ii. 55, G2-3, 69- 
72, 78-9. In the Anna of 10 14, 481, the missionary force is stated to be 
3 priests and 4 brothers, working in 8 partidos; but this is unintelligible as 
there must have been at least 12 men instead of 7. 

35 Letter of Padre Diego de Guzman in Anna, 1015, MS., 522-39. One 
hundred and sixty-foiir Nevomes came down at this time. See also Alegre, ii. 
79; Ribas, 119-21, 1G2, 241, 299, 3G9-70. The Nevomes are said to have 
been of Tepehuane race. Alegre, ii. 72-3, speaks of the reduction at this 
time of the Yamoriba natives. 

36 See p. 1G5 of this volume. Cardona says he touched at Rio Mayo where 
Mendez was serving, and where his companion padre had been lately killed 
and eaten by the natives (as was not true); but others, including Eibas, say 
that Iturbe's vessel was relieved by Pdbas at Ahome. 

31 Anna, 1010, MS., 539-79. It is said, however, that Hurdaide made a 
tour to the Cahuimeto sierra, recovering 1,500 fugitives. P. Diego de la Cruz 
in a letter describes a visit to the Tepahues. A chapel was completed this 
year on the spot where Padre Tapia was killed. Baptisms of the year were 
1,800 children and 2,332 adults. Hernandez, Com p. <U<»j. Son., 14-15, says 
the Tepehuane revolt extended to Sinaloa, but that after two years some com- 
panies of marines were sent there and restored order. See also Ribas, 115- 
18, 303; Dice. Univ., x. 539-43; Alegre, ii. 82-92. 


name. Which was the third lay brother with Castro 
and Martin Ugarte is not apparent. 

Not only did the Yaquis abstain from Tepehuane 
alliance, but in 1G17 they received missionaries in their 
own territory. Bibas had gone down to Mexico on 
this business the year before, and now he came back 
with Padre Tomas Basilio. In May he started with 
Father Perez from the Mayo towns escorted by four 
Suaquis and two Yaqui caciques. Four thousand 
children and five hundred adults were baptized during 
this first tour, very slight opposition and no open 
hostility being encountered, though for years the 
padres in this district were deemed in constant danger, 
and once at Torin a plot to kill Pibas was frustrated 
by a faithful Indian. The missionaries remained 
among the upper Yaquis, who were more docile than 
those nearer the coast. Eight large towns were 
founded, and a very large part of the nation were 
converted within a few years by the two pioneers and 
by padres Juan de Cardenas, Angel Balestra, and 
others who were sent later to the Yaqui held. 33 The 
Nevomes who lived above the Yaquis, chiefly in the 
towns of Comuripa, Tecoripa, Suaqui, and Aivino, 
part of which tribe had previously gone south to live 
on the Pio Sinaloa, received padres in 1618-19. Padre 
Diego de Guzman first made a successful tour of 
baptism, and was followed by Diego Vandersipe, Mar- 
tin Burgesio, Francisco Olihano, and Bias de Paredes, 
the latter dying six days after taking charge, probably 
at a much later date. 39 

It will be remembered that at the beginning of the 
century Captain Hurdaide visited the Chinipa region 
in search of mines. About 1620 the Chinipas came 
down of their own accord with a store of maize for 

38 Anna, 1617, MS., 579-86. Letter of P. Andrei Perez narrating his 
tour of 40 days to the Yaquis. Sec also Ribas, 301-40; Alegre, ii. 92-4, 113- 
14. Stone, Notes, Sonora, 15-10, says the Yaquis always respected the padres 
but disliked other white men. 

39 Anna, 1619, MS., 58G-G06. Baptisms of the year in all Sinaloa 5,096 
children, 1,506 adults. Great prosperity. Iiibas, 30i-72; Alegre, ii. 117. 


the starving Sinaloas, and to ask in return for padres. 
On their return they built a church and made other 
preparations for the expected change of faith. One 
chief, as a proof of zeal, having shot a female r.elation 
in a drunken brawl, bared his back publicly in the 
church and received two azotes from each prominent 
man of the tribe as a penance. The next year Padre 
Pedro Juan Castini visited this field, baptizing four 
hundred children, and taking back with him for in- 
struction several of the tribe. Other visits were 
exchanged, and the Guazapares and Varohios adjoin- 
ing the Chinipas on the south and north, together 
with the Temoris and Hios of the same region, seemed 
to join in the enthusiasm of their neighbors, making 
peace among themselves and giving their children for 
baptism. Whether or not Castini ever came here to 
live is not clear, but six or seven years later Padre 
Julio Pascual came, and in four years reduced two 
thousand families, it is said, of Chinipas, Guazapares, 
and Varohios to three towns called by the tribal 
names. The same padre worked also among other 
tribes, the Hio and Temori converts being included 
perhaps in the towns referred to. It was in 1620-1 

that Padre Miimel Godinez entered among 1 the Coni- 
es o 

caris, reducing also the bands known as Basiroas, 
Tehatas, Huvagueres, and Tehuicos; and Father Men- 
dez founded a mission among the Sisibotaris, or Sa- 
huaripas, who had been visited before by Guzman, 
including also in his conversion the Batucos and suc- 
ceeded finally by Bartolome Castano. 40 

Father Pibas retired in 1620 after sixteen years-of 
service in Sinaloa, to accept the office of provincial in 
Mexico, being succeeded at the Yaqui mission of 
Tor in by Father Villalta. Mendez went with him, 
but returned the next year to resume his labors, being 

i0 Anua, 1020-2, MS., G06-95. Baptisms of 1620-21, 17,182. Alf. Lucas 
Valenzuela is named as a resident and benefactor of San Felipe. Also Ribas, 
170, 216-17, 254-6, 384-92; Alegre, ii. 31, 121-4. 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 15 


received with great festivities. In 1621 converts 
numbered 86,340 in fifty-five villages ; seven new mis- 
sionaries had come in 1619; and it was deemed best 
to organize the northern missions into a new district 
called now or a little later San Ignacio, under Father 
Villalta as superior. The district embraced in round 
numbers 21,000 Mayos, 30,000 Yaquis, and 9,000 
Nevomes, each including kindred bands under other 
names, and was put in charge of eleven missionaries. 41 
For five years the records show a missionary force of 
twenty-seven priests, sixteen of them in the south, 
and four lay brothers. Of the thirty- one I have 
named twenty-nine, but have no clue to the others. 
Baptisms in 1621 were over nine thousand. 

In 1622, the Aivinos were led by their sorcerers to 
apostatize, and in the trouble Padre Basilio received 
an arrow wound. Captain Hurdaide came north and 
found the rebels fortified in an adobe house furnished 
with port-holes, from which protection they sallied 
out two thousand strong, but were driven back after 
a bloody right. Many were suffocated by fire thrown 
in through the ports at Hurdaide's command, but at 
last the famous seals were thrown in as a token of 
peace, and surrender followed as did conversion, for 
Basilio and Olihano within a few days baptized four 
hundred children at Matape and Teopari. 42 

Villalta, superior in the north, died in 1623 while 
on his way to accept the rectorate of the Guatemala 
college. 43 Varela seems to have become superior in 
his stead. Pestilence and famine were prevalent and 

41 The distribution seems to have been: Yaquis and Sisibotaris; Villalta, 
Mendez, Burgesio, Basilio, and another. Mayos in three partidos; 1st, or 
eastern, including Tepahues, Miguel Godinez; 2d, or central, Diego de la 
Cruz; 3d on coast, Juan Varela (or Barera) and Juan Angel: Nevomes, 
Olinano, and Vandersipe. The distribution in the south is not given; but 
Padre Oton is mentioned in the Anna of 1G21 as among the Tehuecos; and 
also the name of Gasper de Varela appears. 

"Anna, 1622, MS., 671-95; Eibas, 371-80; Alegre, ii. 139-40; Mange, 
Hist. Pirn., 399. 

iA It is because of his death not having occurred in Sinaloa I suppose that 
there is no mention of it in the Anna. His successor is later called Julio 
(instead of Juan) Varela. There may have been such a padre. 


deadly; yet in 1624 the number of Christian natives 
is estimated at over 100,000. 44 In 1626 Martin Perez 
died, the pioneer Jesuit of Sinaloa, having come with 
Tapia in 1591. For ten years he had been unable to 
rise from his chair without help, and he is said to have 
left a manuscript narrative of events down to 1620. 45 
In 1626 Sinaloa was also called upon to part with the 
valiant, pious, and popular comandante and alcalde 
mayor Captain Hurdaide, 46 who was succeeded by 
Captain Pedro de Perea, said to have been a relative 
of the viceroy. 

During Perea's rule at San Felipe and Fort Mon- 
tesclaros the records become meagre after the first few 
years, and are confined for the most part to the north- 
ern district. The new captain's first act was to detain 
on suspicion certain Nevome chiefs, who had come to 
offer allegiance to the successor of Hurdaide. This 
caused a revolt among the Nevomes, who threatened 
Father Oliiiano, and inflicted upon Vandersipe a 
wound with a poisoned arrow, that afflicted hjm dur- 
ing the rest of his life. It was also in 1526-7 that 
the Chinipas missions were founded by Father Pas- 
cual as already related. In 1628 the Huites were 
converted by Padre Castini; a new pueblo of Hios 
was added to the Chinipas mission; mines began to 
be worked in the same region; Captain Perea made a 
tour with sixty soldiers and two thousand allies to 
restore order in the northern district; the Ai vinos, 

44 Annas, 1623-4, MS., 695-710. Villafane was now rector. Brother 
Martin Ugarte died in 1624 after 20 years' service in Sinaloa. Hurdaide also 
had occasion to make one of his raids this year. Also Alegre, ii. 141, 143, 
153. Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 297, says the pestilence was in 1625 and killed 

40 Martin Perez was bom February 2, 1560, at the villa of San Martin, his 
father being a rich mine owner, and was educated in Mexico. He became a 
Jesuit in 1577, and had a varied experience as teacher and preacher before be 
came to the north. He died April 24, 1626, at San Felipe. A detailed 
sketch of his life and many virtues is given in the Anna, 1625, MS., 711-29. 
See also Ribas, 341; Alegre, ii. 169-70; Ramirez, Hist. Durango, 70-1. 

i6 Anua, 1626, MS., 750. According to Ribas, 362-3, and Mange, Hist. 
Pirn., his death was several years later. See Urrea, in Soc. Mex. Geo<j. } BoL, 
ii. 42-4. 


Toapas, Matapes, Batucos, and Sisibotaris were clam- 
orous for padres; and finally the conversion of the 
latter was undertaken by the veteran Mendez. The 
Anua of 1629, consisting of a letter from Padre Guz- 
man on the Nevomes and their ninety ranclierias, is 
the last of the original records in my collection. 47 

In 1630 fathers Martin Azpilcueta and Lorenzo 
Cardenas went to live among the Aivinos and Batu- 
cos, where Basilio and Olinano had already baptized 
children. The Christian ardor of the Aivinos had 
cooled somewhat through the influence of apostate 
Nevomes. Cdrdenas increased the spirit of hostility 
at first by removing a vault containing the body of a 
dead chief, and frequented by the people as a shrine 
for their protection against lightning. Almost im- 
mediately a woman was struck by the dreaded thun- 
derbolt; still, as a baptized child in her arms escaped 
injury, and as another woman at the point of death 
recovered on the reception of the rite, the padre 
was able to restore quiet. Azpilcueta was not well 
receive^ either at Batuco; but by patience and kind- 
ness as usual gained the good will of the people. 
Home troubles once overcome, a new danger threat- 
ened from abroad in the form of a hostile band from 
Sonora Valley, who thought to frighten all padres 
from their country by killing this one. Azpilcueta 
was, however, equal to the emergency, adopting a 
policy almost unheard of in Jesuit annals. He sent 
a message to the foe, asking them to make haste as 
he was ready and would soon behead them all, and 
then, surrounded by a murderous array of machetes 
and fire-arms, coolly awaited their approach. This 
novel attitude on the part of a missionary surprised 
and disconcerted the savages to such an extent that 
when the padre discharged a musket and brandished 
a machete they turned and fled, and troubled the 

47 Anua, 1G26-9; MS., 730-803; Baptisms in 1625-6, 8,530; Ribas, 362-3; 
Alegre, ii. 172-6; Mange, 3<J9. 


mission no more; on the contrary they soon became 
the best of converts. 48 

The revolt of 1631-2 in the Chinipa region was the 
most notable event of the period. Here, where we 
left Father Pascual toiling with flattering success in 
his three towns, the Guazapare chief Camabeai fell 
from grace, gained a following, and plotted to take 
the missionary's life. The faithful Chinipas, finding 
that Pascual would take no precautions, obtained 
from the fort a guard which for a time impeded the 
rebel designs ; but the malcontents were so fervent in 
their pretended devotion as to disarm all suspicion 
until the soldiers were sent back, when they resumed 
their plottings and gained adherents from the Varo- 

On January 23, 1632, Padre Manuel Martinez 
arrived as a co-laborer with Pascual; on the 31st the 
two, with a small band of neophytes, were attacked 
at Varohio; and next day, after their house and 
church had been burned, were killed. Brutal indig- 
nities were offered to their bodies, which were recov- 
ered and buried at Conicari by P. Marcos Gomez on 
the 14th of February. Fifteen Indians perished with 
their martyred masters. Captain Perea made a raid 
into the mountains, and with the aid of native allies 
is said to have killed ei^ht hundred of the rebels. 
New padres were sent here, apparently Juan Varela 
and Francisco Torices, and the Chinipas were victo- 
rious in several encounters with their apostate neigh- 
bors; but it was soon deemed best to abandon the 
mission, and the Chinipas, with many faithful families 
of Varohios and Guazapares, came to live in the 
country of the Sinaloas, being distributed among the 
different towns. The surviving rebels fled to the 
mountains, resumed their wild life, and mingled to a 
considerable extent with the Tarahumares, although 

48 Alcrpr, ii. 185-8. Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 400, speaks of an apostate 
who entered a church with two knives to kill 1*. Mendez, and who, after being 
shot, was quartered by Capt. Perea for his sacrilege. 


many years later, as we shall see, the Spaniards found 
them back in their old homes. 49 

During this period also the conversion was extended 
over into Sonora Valley, the region of the modern 
Ures and of the ancient and ill-fated San Geronimo. 
Padre Bartolome Castano first came here to live 
among the Opatas in 1638, though Mendez may have 
visited the country some years earlier, and Madre 
Maria de Jesus Agreda is supposed to have extended 
her miraculous tour of about 1630 up through this 
country to the Rio Colorado. 50 Within a year three 
or four thousand of the natives were baptized and 
settled in three towns with fine churches. Early in 
1639 Padre Pedro Pantoja came to aid Castano, and 
new towns were founded. 51 The Opatas never gave 
the Spaniards any trouble in later years. In 1639 
a new mission district was formed in the north by the 
visitador Leonardo Jatino, acting in the name of Ribas 
the provincial. It was called San Francisco Javier, 
and embraced the missions, or partidos, of Comuripa, 
Aivino, Batuco, Ures, and Sonora. This left to the 
central district of San Ignacio the Yaquis, Mayos, 
Tepahues, Conicaris, Onabas, and Mobas. 52 

Brother Francisco Castro, said to be a relation of 
Viceroy Villamanrique, died in 1527 after thirty-four 
years of service in Sinaloa. 53 Bishop Hermosillo of 
Durango visited the province in 1631, going as far 
north as Nacori among the Tehuecos. He confirmed 
some twelve thousand persons at San Felipe, where 
he said the first pontifical mass; but he died soon after 
setting out on his return and his body was carried 

49 Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 399-400; Relation de la Nueva Entrada, 779-80; 
Alegre,ii. 190-3; Ribas, 256-68. 

50 Stone, Sonora, 9-10, says erroneously that P. Mendez established a mis- 
sion at Ures in 1635. 

51 S. Pedro Aconchi, Concepcion Babiacora, Remedios Banamichi, S. Ig- 
nacio Sinoquipe, and Posario Nacameri are named, some of them not founded 
probably before 1646, or even later. In Sonora, Estadistica, 6:27, it is stated 
that P. Castano entered in 1640 and was soon joined by P. Lorenzo Flores. 

b2 Alegre, ii. 222-3; iii. Ill; Ribas, 392-7; Mange, 400; Alado, Dice., iv. 
574; Hernandez, Corny. Geog. Son., 15-16; D'Avity, Descr/p., ii. 85-7. 

^Alegre, ii. 173-4; Ribas, 231-5. 


back to San Felipe for burial. 54 About 1G32 Father 
Pedro Zambrano is named as one of the missionary 
force, and in 1633 Padre Juan de Albieuri was at the 
mission of Bamupa, where he completed his history 
of Father Tapia's life and services. 55 In 1634 Villa- 
fane who had come to the country before 1595, but 
had been absent several times on visits to Mexico and 
Europe, died at his old post. 56 This death left Father 
Pedro Mendez the oldest pioneer; but he retired in 
1635 weighed down with a^e and infirmities , 57 leaving: 
Father Vicente cle Aguila the oldest resident mission- 
ary. In 1636 the province had to lose by death four 
of its Jesuits, Paredes, Azpilcueta, and the brothers 
Varela. 58 Floods in 1639 afflicted the country, and a 
pestilence in 1641, strengthening according to the 
Jesuit version the hold of 'the padres on the natives. 
In 1641 also the veteran Father Aguila died at the 
age of seventy years. 59 All the deceased of the period 
receive from the chroniclers eulogies which it is to be 
hoped were entirely deserved; but it is to be regretted 
that Jesuit eulogies are so like one another as to be 
of comparatively little use to the historian. 

Captain Perea seems to have held the command 
from 1626 to 1640. Captain Francisco Bustamante 
signed himself in 1636 lieutenant-governor and captain 
of San Felipe presidio; 60 but this is all we know of 

u Ribas, 177-8; Calle, Mem. Not,, 95, 98; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., 
i. 248; Alegre, ii. 176. The last author implies that the visit was earlier, but 
is in error. 

MJRibas, 281; AUneuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 12-13. 

bG Hibas, 349-57; Alegre, ii. 201. Villafaile was a native of Leon, Spain, 
and the son of noble parents. He was serving in Michoacan when the news 
of Tapia's martyrdom called him to Sinaloa. He was rector at San Felipe for 
years; and also served a term as rector in Mexico, subsequently visiting 
Rome as procurador. His service in Sinaloa amounted to thirty years. He 
wrote an arte of the Guazave language. 

57 Alegre, ii. 209. Mendez had come before 1595 and had once before re- 
tired for a time to Mexico. 

58 Alegre, ii. 188, 203-4. 

MRibas, 397-402; Alegre, ii. 235. Aguila came to Sinaloa about 1G0G, 
being a Spaniard by birth, and having served a few years at San Luis de la 
Paz. He left several MS. works. Backer, iv. 4. 

60 Ortega, CojAa de la Demarc, MS. Another captain, Mat fas Lobo Pe- 


his rule, and the records are in other respects some- 
what confused. In 1640 or 1641 Luis Cestin de 
Caiias succeeded Perea; 61 whereupon the latter ob- 
tained from Viceroy Escalona, with royal approval, a 
division of the province and a new command for him- 
self. This temporary division was the most important 
event of the decade, but little is known about it. 
Perea obtained half of the presidial force, agreed to 
pacify and convert the natives north of the Yaqui, 
and established himself in the Sonora Valley, styling 
his new province Nueva Andalucia and his capital San 
Juan Bautista. 62 It is possible that he began opera- 
tions here several years earlier, and that the confusion 
already noted respecting rulers at San Felipe pertains 
to the officers left in temporary command. 63 Perea 
seems also to have visited* Mexico, or at least to have 
reached his province from Parral through the Tara- 
humara country in the autumn of 1641, taking with 
him at first Padre Geronimo Figueroa. 

Dissensions ensued between the two comandantes, 
the particulars of which are not known, but during 
which Perea had to submit to a reduction of his force 
and obtained twelve men from New Mexico to fill up 
the number to twenty-five. His rule was also marked 
by a quarrel with the Jesuits and a consequent at- 
tempt to put the spiritual interests of Nueva Anda- 
lucia, or Sonora, into the hands of another order. 
Four or five Franciscans under Padre Juan Suarez 
were brought in for this purpose. According to 
Mange's statements these friars were stationed among 

reira, is named by Niel, Ajmnt., 67-8, as having conquered Sonora in 1636. 
I have no idea what this can mean. 

61 Alegre, ii. 235-6, implies that the change was in 1641. Zamacois, Hist. 
Mej. , v. 326, calls the new ruler Luis Cestinos. Nothing seems to be known 
of his rule except his trip to California mentioned elsewhere in this volume. 
Mange, Hist. Pirn., 481-2, tells us that Peralta y Men doza succeeded Perea 
in 1640; and even Alegre, ii. 244, speaks of Padre Canal about 1644 having a 
commission to investigate the acts of the 'defunct governor Peralta.' 

62 According to Zapata, Relation, 363, San Juan was a mining town seven 
leagues from Oposura and was still called capital in 1678. 

63 Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 183, says Perea made a contract for northern re- 
duction with Viceroy Cadereita in 1636. He was to obtain from the governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya the titles of justicia mayor and capitan a guerra. 


different tribes and rancherias, 64 where they did good 
service as missionaries for some years; but this au- 
thor's narrative on the subject ends here vaguely and 
abruptly. According to Alegre, however, the only 
other writer who speaks of the matter at all, when 
the Franciscans arrived and the comandante attempted 
to station them, particularly in the Cuinupas Valley, 
the Jesuit visitador Pantoja protested and sent Padre 
Geronimo Canal to Mexico with a report to the pro- 
vincial and viceroy. Pending a decision Perea en- 
deavored to locate his friars in the valleys of the wild 
Imuris, by whose warriors he was forced back. His 
disappointment laid him on a sick-bed. Recovering 
somewhat he started from Banamichi to Toape, but 
died on the way, October 4, 1644. A little later 
Padre Canal returned with a decision favorable to the 
Jesuits. He brought an order for the Franciscans, 
waiting at Babispe, to relinquish all claims to the 
mission field, 65 and perhaps for Perea to quit his office 
and his province, thus putting an end to the exist- 
ence of Nueva Anclalucia as a separate province. 
Rivera tells us, however, that after Perea's death 
Simon Lasso de la Vega was appointed to succeed 
him as alcalde mayor and comandante of Sonora, and 
becoming involved in quarrels with the comandante 
of San Felipe, was treacherously killed and succeeded 
by Juan Fernandez de Morales. This officer's au- 
thority was also disputed by Admiral Casanate, who 
had succeeded to the command of Sinaloa. 63 This 

64 Potlapigua, Babispe, Baseraca, Guazava, Oputo, Techico de Guachi, 
Batepito, Teuricachi, Cuquiarichi, Arizpe, Chinapa, Bacuachi (Bacatu de 
Guachi), Cucurpe, and Toape are named, the orthography being somewhat 
modified by me. Mange, J tut. Pirn., 401-2. The same writer gives a cer- 
tificate of P. Suarez at Chinapa, without date, to the effect that Francisco 
Perez Granillo, teniente <!<> justicia mayo?' y capitan d r/ucrra de esta nuestra 
conversion y de otras de la Campania de Jesus, had served for five years, and 
that by his aid the Franciscans had baptized over 7,000 souls, running great 
risks in the Potlapigua valleys, at Teuricachi, and at ' our convent ' at 

05 Hist. Camp. Jesus, ii. 242-4, 235-G. Yet the same author, 404, speaks 
of disturbances among the Franciscans of Teuricachi district in 1649-50, 
caused by the disgraceful retreat of the Sinaloa comandante who marched 
against the Sumas with a strong force. 

^Ilivera, Goberuantea de Mex., i. 183. 


must have been as late as 1650 f 7 and between the 
terms of Canas and Casanate at a date not exactly 
known Juan Peralta y Mendoza seems to have held 
the position. About the middle of the century, how- 
ever, it is certain that the two provinces were practi- 
cally reunited under the authority of the captain at 
San Felipe; yet the "captain of Sonora" was still 
vaguely mentioned, a garrison being generally main- 
tained at San Juan for the protection, of the Sonora 

Father Luis Bonifacio retired in 1640 to succeed 
Ribas as provincial in Mexico, dying in Michoacan 
four years later. Pedro Castini retired about 1644 
after twenty-four years of service, and Jose Collantes 
after twelve years. The same year occurred the 
death of Miguel Godinez and of Anofel Balestra. 
Bartolome Castano, the pioneer missionary of Sonora 
proper, retired about 1645 after serving twent}^-nve 
years. Baltasar Cervantes was another of the Jesuit 
band, about whom nothing appears, except that he 
died at Mexico in 1649. Pedro Velasco, who held 
the post of provincial in 1646, also died in 1649. He 
had probably retired long before, as the term of his 
service is given as fourteen years. 63 The only hostil- 

67 It was in a cddula of August 1650 that the king recommended the 
appointment of Casanate, if there were no serious objections. Baja CaL, 
Cedidas, MS., 63-6. Navarrete, Introd., lxxiv., also implies that Casanate 
obtained the post, though it would seem to have been a few years earlier. 

68 Bonifacio, or Bonifaz, was born at Jaen in 1578; became a Jesuit in 
in 159S, and came to New Spain in 1602. His service in Sinaloa was 20 
years; but was interrupted by long absences as master of services at Tepozo- 
tlan, rector at Mexico, and provincial, which office he held twice. Castini 
was born in 1587 at Plaisance; came to Mexico in 1602; and died in Mexico 
in 1663. Godinez, whose original family name was Wading, was born at 
Waterford in 1591, and joined the society in 1609. After leaving Sinaloa, or 
perhaps before, he taught philosophy and theology in Mexico and Guatemala. 
He died in Mexico, the date of his departure from the missions not appearing. 
I have his Prdctica de la Teoloyia Mydica, Sevilla, 1682. Castano was famous 
for his humility, his musical talent, his dark skin, and his linguistic skill. 
He was known as the Indio Sabio of Sonora. He was a Portuguese, born in 
1601, and died in Mexico in 1672. His biography by P. Tomas Escalante 
was published in editions of 1679 and 1708. Pedro Velasco, born in Mexico 
1581, became a Jesuit in 1596. After the close of his missionary career, he 
was professor of theology in Mexico and procurador in Madrid and Rome, 


ity on the part of the natives was that of the Guaza- 
vas, whom Perea was unable to subdue after a bloody 
battle, but whom he finally brought to terms by 
threats of destroying their cornfields. Once con- 
quered they became faithful allies. 

In 1646 the northern district of San Francisco 
Javier under Father Pantoja as superior residing at 
Babiacora, consisted of seven mission partidos with as 
many padres. 69 Cristobal Garcia had begun the con- 
version of the Guazavas in 1645. Over two thousand 
persons were baptized in the district in 1646, and the 
total number clown to 1647 was over twenty thou- 
sand. Also in 1647 it was proposed to convert the 
Imuris, on what was later Bio San Ignacio, and two 
padres were about to start with good prospects, but 
the comandante deemed it unsafe, and ordered a sus- 
pension of the entrada. This conversion was reserved 
for Kino in later years. 70 

In 1645 was published the Triumjylm of the Faith 
of Bibas, the standard authority, followed necessarily 
by all later writers, on Jesuit annals in the north- 
west down to about that date. 71 At this time there 

besides being provincial. See Backer, Bib., ii. 245; iv. 60, 100-7, 113, 721, 
with mention of the different MS. and printed works written by the padres 
named. Collantes died in Mexico in 1603. His service is said to have been 
among the Chinipas. Alegre, ii. 433; Dice. Univ., Yin. 611. 

C9 The distribution was as follows: Ger6nimo Canal, Huepaca with Bana- 
michi, Sinoquipe, Arizpe, and Teuricachi; Francisco Paris, Ures and Naca- 
meri; Juan Mendoza, Batuco; Egidio Montepio, Comuripa; Miguel (or Marcos) 
del Rio, Guazava, with Of>osura and Nacori; and Pedro Bueno, Matape. 

70 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 247, 257-8, 265-7, 359, 461-2. 

~ a Historia de los Trivmphos de Nvestra Santa Fee entre gentes las mas bar- 
baras y fieras del nueuo Orbe ; cons^guidos por los soldados de la milicia de 
la Comjiania de lesvs en las missiones de la Prouincia de Naeiia-Espafia. 
Iiefierense assimismo las costvmbres, ritos, etc. Escrita por el Padre A ndres 
Perez de Eibas, Prouincial la Nueua-Esjjana, natural de Cordoua. Madrid, 
1645, fob, 16 1., 756 pp. The author, a native of C6rdova, came to the 
New World in 1602, only 12 years after the Jesuits begun their labors in the 
north-west; served, as we have seen, in the Sinaloa missions, much of the 
time as superior, from 1604 to 1620; and then became provincial of his order 
in Mexico. His book was completed in 1644. It is a complete history of 
Jesuit work in Nueva Vizcaya, practically the only history the country had 
from 1590 to 1644, written not only by a contemporary author, but by a- 
prominent actor in the events narrated, who had access to all the voluminous 
correspondence of his order, comparatively few of which documents have 
been preserved. In short, Ribas wrote under the most favorable circum- 
stances and made good use of his opportunities. His style is diffuse, his plan 


were thirty-five missions in Sinaloa and Sonora, each 
including from one to four towns, and each under the 
care of a Jesuit. The missions were divided into 
three districts: that of San Felipe in the south, ex- 
tending practically from Mocorito to Alamos; San 
Ignacio on the rivers Mayo and lower Yaqui; and 
San Francisco Javier to the north. Each district 
was under a superior, who at San Felipe was also rec- 
tor of the college, at which two or three padres were 
constantly employed in giving instruction. The cabe- 
cera of each mission and many of the visitas had fine 
churches of adobe suitably decorated and cared for. 
The mission books showed a total of over 300,000 
baptisms down to date. The presidio had a force of 
only forty-six soldiers, which fact of itself is sufficient 
proof how completely and easily the natives had sur- 
rendered themselves to missionary control. Each 
padre as a rule lived alone in his mission, protected 
by a military escolta only when threatened by some 
special danger. He was visited at long intervals by 
the superior, or visitador, and usually managed once 
a year to visit his nearest neighbor for confession, 
social intercourse, and to avoid forgetting his own 
lan^uasfe. 72 

clumsy according to modern ideas, and he is at times not sufficiently exact in 
the matter of chronology ; but many of his errors in this respect have either 
been corrected by Alegre or may be corrected from original documents yet 
extant. He left two manuscript volumes on the foundation of Jesuit colleges 
in Mexico, which have never been printed. He died March 20, 1655, at the 
age of 79 years. Pinelo and Brunet cite a letter of his on the death of Padre 
Ledesma, printed in Mexico in 1636. See also Backer, Bib., ii. 485. 
72 Eibas, Hist. TriumpJios, 65-70, 125-9, 157-9, 196, 340, 358, 435-6. 




rulers in" slnaloa — coast events — tajo mlne— spanish settlements — 
Missionary Annals in the South — Minor Items, Statistics, and 
Names of Jesuits — The Old Sonora Districts — The NameSonora— 
Tables of 1658, 1678, and 1688 — Troubles with the Bishop — Chlni- 
pas District — Labors of Salvatierra — Revolts of 1690 and 1697— 
Map — Conquest of Pimeria Alta — Father Kino and his Labors— 
At Bac and Caborca, 1692-3 — Jironzaln Command — Mange's Diaries 
— Kino on the Gulf Coast, 1694 — Boat-building — Trip to the Gila, 
1694 — Revolt, Murder of Father Saeta, and Massacre of Pimas — 
Kino in Mexico — Second, Third, Fourth, and Fifth Entradas to 
the Rio Gila, 1697-1700 — Vain Efforts to Obtain Missionaries for 
the Far North — Missions of Dolores, San Ignacio, Caborca, Tubu- 
tama, and cocospera — military operations in apacheria — don 
Pablo's Revolt— Pimas Defeat the Apaches— Seris and Tepocas. 

The territory from Chametla to San Felipe, corre- 
sponding to the modern Sinaloa, has for the second as 
for the first half of the seventeenth century practi- 
cally no recorded annals. I cannot give even a com- 
plete list of the commandants, or governors, at the 
presidio. The California explorers seem to have been 
in command much of the time. Casanate as we have 
seen probably held the post in 1650. Miguel Cal- 
deron is named as the alcalde mayor at San Felipe in 
1671. Rivera tells us that Bernardo Bernal Pina- 
dero obtained the command in 1674. Pedro Hurtado 
de Castilla was captain in 1680. And in 1684 Isidro 
Otondo y An ti lion is said to have been in charge of 
the government, leaving Juan Antonio Anguis in 
command during his absence. 1 In earlier chapters on 

1 Rivera, Gobernantes de Mex., i. 242; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 456; 
iii. 25, 54. ( 237 ) 


gulf explorations we have had occasion to notice the 
touching of different craft from time to time at main- 
land anchorages, the records of these voyages afford- 
ing no information respecting the state of affairs at 
the settlements. 2 In a later chapter on the Jesuit 
occupation of the peninsula in the last years of the 
century we shall notice other similar arrivals revealing 
nothing of mainland annals and being also for the 
most part north of the Rio del Fuerte. 3 The only 
definite record of mining industry is the statement 
that the famous Tajo mine at Rosario was accidentally 
discovered by a peasant named Leon Kojas in 1655. 4 
Doubtless other mines were worked in the south, and 
in the north a few reales de minas will be mentioned 
in mission statistics. San Sebastian, Mazatlan, and 
San Miguel maintained their municipal existence on 
a small scale; and in 1678 the villa of San Felipe de 
Sinaloa had a Spanish and mixed population of about 
twelve hundred, with a garrison of forty men. 

The closing of Ribas' record with the year 1645 had 
an effect on the written missionary annals of the 
country which is the best evidence of how valuable 
that record w r as and how closely other writers have 
followed and must follow it. With the exception of 
one or two statistical statements of mission progress 
and condition, the recorded history of the old mission 
districts, the subject of the preceding chapter, is ex- 
ceedingly meagre, in fact almost a blank during the 
last half of the century, and it is only the exploration 
and conquest of new lands and the conversion of new 
tribes, especially in the far north, that will furnish 
material for a continuous narrative, and that only for 

2 See chap, vii.-viii., this volume. 

3 See chap, xi., this volume. 

4 Dice. Univ., x. 452 et seq. See also mention of mines of Mazatlan and 
Rosario in Dam/pier's Voy., i. 2G5-9; Buelna, Compen., 39 et seq.; Ogilby'i 
Amer.y 285-6. When Father Salvatierra from California was visiting the 
mining camp of Los Frailes in 1700 the miners were engaged in a lawsuit at 
Guadalajara on which their future prospects depended. Salvatierra sum- 
moned all to devotional exercises in honor of Our Lady of Loreto, and as they 
left the church news came that the suit was won. Salvatierra, Cartas, 112. 


the last years of the period. Yet even in the south 
we may almost evolve from nothingness and bring 
before the eyes of the mind the mission annals from 
year to year, feeling sure, as is indicated by the 
scattered documents of the archives, that nothing 
happened out of the dull routine, and that we have 
lost little more than names of padres, statistics of 
baptisms, instances of miraculous intervention/ and 
puerile anecdotes of neophytic doings. 

The Chicuris, neighbors of the Chicoratos, were 
converted in 1G71, at which time Father Gonzalo 
Navarro was rector, Tomds Hidalgo was at work 
among the Ahomes, and Jacinto Cortes among the 
Tehuecos. Melchor Paez, said to have been for twenty 
years a missionary in Sinaloa, died near Mexico in 
1676; and the. next year Andres Egidiano, or Eugi- 
diano, died, after long service at Bacum. 6 In 1677 
also Matias Gofli visited the Chicoratos, but did not 
remain. 7 In 1678 Father Juan Ortiz Zapata made a 
general inspection of all the Jesuit establishments of 
Nueva Vizcaya; and by his report, the statistics of 
which for Sinaloa I append, 8 it appears that the 

5 0f such interference we are not left wholly in ignorance, but the instances 
are not very brilliant or extraordinary ones. At S. Pedro Guazave an image 
of the virgin wrought many miracles; 27 Indians were at the point of death 
ia a time of pestilence, and the image was implored to save life; 1G recovered 
instantly, 10 within two hours, and one next morning after special prayer. 
A hurricane destroyed the church, but the image in its niche was not harmed. 
While the church was being rebuilt water failed, but the virgin sent a shower 
to fill the reservoir, so that it remained full till the church was done. An 
image at Mocorito was unwilling to be moved; the man who tried to remove 
it broke his saw; another who carried it away fell dead; and the padre who 
gave the order was thrown from a mule and died within a year! AT. Vizcaya, 
Doc, 403-4, 410; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 457-8. 

6 Life and eulogy in Dice. Univ., iii. 229-30. 

7 Alegre, iii. 14. 

8 Zapata, Relation de las Misiones que la Compaiiia de Jesus tiene en el Reino 
y Provincia de la Nueva Vizcaya, 1678. In N. Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., iii. 301- 
419 (Sinaloa matter, p. 392-411); also MS. I shall further utilize this impor- 
tant report in this and other chapters on the missions of Sonora, Durango, 
and Chihuahua. 

Mission of San Felipe y Santiago, 9 partidos, population, 9,G89. 

(1.) Concepcion de Vaca, 25-30 leagues Conicari, 30 1. s. w. Temoris, 35 1. 
N. S. Felipe (?), on Rio Carapoa, pop. 584. Santiago Guires, 5 1. N. e. Vaca, on 
same river, pop. 304; Partido under Padre Gonzalo Navarro, rector, with 
888 persons. 

(2.) San Jose" del Toro, 4 1. s. w. Vaca, on same river, pop. 360. S. Ignacio 


southern mission district, or modern Sinaloa, under 
the old name of San Felipe y Santiago consisted of 
twenty-three villages, with a population of nearly ten 
thousand, divided into nine partidos, and served by 
the same number of Jesuits. The largest military 
force was now sixty men at Montesclaros, while San 
Felipe presidio had only forty. The Spanish popula- 
tion according to some rather uncertain indications 
may have been five hundred exclusive of the one 
hundred soldiers. 

In 1681 an effort was made by the bishop, in con r 
nection with the preparations for Otondo's expedition 
to California, not only to send a clerigo as chaplain 
on the fleet, but to station a provincial vicar at San 
Felipe. The Jesuits, however, were prompt with 
their protests and the threatened secularizing inter- 
ference with their missions was stayed. 9 Nothing 

Zoes, C 1. x. E. Toro, on arroyo running into same river from Tubares, pop. 
380; Sta Catalina Baitrena, 6 1. S. e., pop. 165. Partklo under Jose Tapia 
with 910 persons, includes estancia S. Pedro belonging to college, 5 1. s. Toro. 

(3.) Tehueco, on Rio Carapoa, pop. 782. Villa de Carapoa, or Fuerte 
Montesclaros, or S. Ignacio, 5 1. n. Tehueco, pop. 304, GO soldiers; Asuncion 
Sivirijoa, 5 1. s. Tehueco, pop. 024; S. Jose Charay, 10 1. s. w. Tehueco, pop. 
636. Partido under Jos6 Jimenez, to be succeeded by Francisco Sepulveda, 
with 2,456 persons. 

(4.) San Ger6nimo Mochicagui (Mochicavi), 4 1. s. w. Charay, on Rio 
Carapoa, pop. 559. 8. Miguel Suaqui, 4 1. w. Mochicavi on river, pop. 674; 
Asuncion Hoomi (Ahome?) 8 1. s. w., pop. 626. Partido under Jose Jimenez 
with 1,855 persons. 

(5.) Santiago Ocoroni, 14 1. Charay, 16 1. S. E. Mochicavi, 6 1. N. W. S. 
Felipe, pop. 150. Bauria pueblo destroyed, under Francisco Reuter. 

(0.) San Pedro Guazave, 141. s. w. Ocoroni, pop. 531. Reyes de Tama- 
zula, 3 1. s. Guazave on river, 5 1. from sea, pop. 205; S. Ignacio Nio, 1£ 1. 
K. e. Guazave on river, pop 308. Partido under Juan Bautista Anzicta with 
1,101 persons. (See in Jesuitas, Pa/ie/es, no. 23, an autograph letter of this 
padre as visitador in 10S1 to Salvatierra. Pecoro was then rector.) 

(7.) Concepcion Bamoa, 5 1. w. S. Felipe, 4 1. Nio, on river, pop. 240. S. 
Felipe Villa, pop. 1,200 (partly Spanish), 40 soldiers; S. Lorenzo Oguera, 61. 
e. S. Felipe on river, pop. 185. Partido under Antonio Urquisa with 1,625 

(8. ) Concepcion Chicorato, 7 1. E. Oguera on river, pop. 228. S. Ignacio 
Chicuris, 5 1. n. Chicorato, pop. 99. Partido under Geronimo Pistoya with 
327 persons. 

(9.) San Miguel Mocorito, 12 1. s. E. S. Felipe, 12 1. from sea, pop. 243. 
S. Pedro Bacoburito, 7 1. s. Chicorato, 10 1. n. Mocorito, pop. 152. Partido 
under Pedro Mesa, with 712 persons. Includes 43 ranchos, estancias, etc., 
with 43 Spanish families or 214 persons. 

For the missions of Topia lying farther south and east see chapter xiii. 

9 Aleyre, Hist. Co in p. Jesus, ii^. 27-8. 


more is known of Sinaloa down to 1700, if we except 
the miraculous movements of a cross at Rosario in 
1683, as certified by twenty-three witnesses whose tes- 
timony is recorded in the parish records. 10 

The origin of the name Sonora is a curiously com- 
plicated subject, respecting which the truth cannot be 
known. The two derivations suggested with some 
plausibility are the Spanish word senora and the na- 
tive word sonot, forming in its oblique cases sonota; 
but the matter is further confused by the claim that 
the two words were identical in meaning, or that the 
latter was merely an attempt of the Opatas to pro- 
nounce the former. I append a note which brings out 
the various aspects of the problem, and shows that 
while a connection is probable between Sonora and 
Senora, it is not easy to decide whether the present 
name is a Spanish corruption of a native word or the 
reverse. 11 

10 Diccionario Universal, viii. 735. 

11 Coronado in 1540 named the valley of Senora. near the one called Cora- 
zones by Niza a few years earlier. Here was founded, or hither was transferred, 
a little later San Geronimo. Coronado, Relation, 147-9; Jaramillo, Relation, 
156; Castaiicda, Relation, 44; Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. xi. It seems 
that the name was Senora and not Nuestra Senora. Arricivita, Crdn. Serdf. , 
prologo, 4, says the valley was named for a rich native widow who entertained 
the army, adding that it was perhaps in order to forget her kindness that 
the name was changed to Sonora! Mange, Hist. Pirn., 392, tells us that the 
word senora heard by the Spaniards (in 17th century) was an attempt to say 
senora and thus to show that they had not forgotten the teachings of Cabeza de 
Vaca about the virgin. They could not pronounce the 'ri,' and the Spaniards 
changed Senora to Sonora in order to be able to derive it from sonota, a 
'maize-leaf.' Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 392, on the contrary seems to imply 
that the original native word was Sonora, and that the Spaniards corrupted 
it into Senora. 'El valle de Sonora, de que tuuieron noticias los primeros 
descubridorcs de la Prouincia de Cinaloa, y corrompiendo el vocablo, llamauan 
valle de Senora. ' Alcedo, Dice. Geog. , iv. 574, regards Sonora as a corrup- 
tion of Senora. According to the author of Sonora, Estad. , in Sonora, Materi- 
ales, 625, writing in 1730, the oldest Indians said that a rancheria of natives 
living about a muddy spring near Huepaca built their huts of reeds and 
maize-leaves, and called them sonota, which the Spaniards changed to Sonora. 
Hernandez, Geog. Son., 5-6, favors the last derivation, but notes an opinion 
of some that the settlers called the country son-ora, wishing to express in 
one word the richness of soil and the sonorous quality of gold! The author 
of Sonora, Descrip. Geog., 493-4, in 1764, also writes: 'Crco que no me 
enganare" si me inclino a pensar que por lo mucho que ha so7iado en Mexico y 
aun en Europa su prodigiosa riqueza se haya merecido el nombre de Sonora. ' 
'Sunora, as the Indians say, or Sonora as the Spaniards call it.' Niel, Apunt., 

Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 16 


In the north, the territory of the modern Sonora, 
we find that in 1653 the district of San Francisco 
Javier included twenty-three towns with over twenty- 
five thousand neophytes, of whom eight thousand had 
been baptized within the last few years. Since 1650 
the final conversion of the natives of Arizpe and Sino- 
quipe had been accomplished by fathers Canal, Ignacio 
Molarja, and Felipe Esgrecho, the latter remaining 
in charge. This conversion involved several failures 
and serious obstacles, even threats of personal violence. 
One native argued so eloquently and skilfully against 
Christianity as to show clearly that he was inspired 
by Satan. During this period also a band of one 
hundred and sixty Imuris from Pimeria Alta had 
been added to the Nacameri mission under Padre 
Francisco Paris; while others of the same tribe had 
settled at Bacobichi. Moreover Padre Marcos del 
Pio of the Guazava mission accomplished by gentle- 
ness and zeal what military force had utterly failed to 
do, bringing some of the wild Sumas to Oputo to 
make peace and prepare the way to conversion. Yet 
1651 was a year of famine and much suffering, and 
the Jesuits lost also one of their veterans, Padre 
Yandersipe, who had toiled nearly thirty years among 
the Nevomes. 12 

For 1658 we have the puntos de anua of the 
Nevome mission of San Francisco Borja, a doc- 
ument that the Jesuit historian Alegre seems not 
to have consulted. 13 The mission, or district, had 
sixteen pueblos, in seven partidos each with its 

79. Mowry, Arizona, 41-2, supposes that Sonot or Senot was the native name 
for senora, or madam. Vclasco, Sonora, 17, and Id., in Soc. Mex. Geog., 
viii. 210, admits the derivation from sonot, but thinks the word was merely 
a native attempt to say senora. Orozco y Berra, Geog., 337, expresses no 
opinion. In Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 506, it is printed 'Tzonora,' but not 
so in the MS. p. 1104. 

12 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 3S3-4, 402-5, with a letter from Tadre 

13 Puntos de Anua, 1G58, in Sonora, Maferiales, 707-72. It is not im- 
possible that there is an error in the date of this document, as in the case 
of another important one to be noticed a little later, or that Alegre has dis- 
regarded both papers, as I have been tempted to do, because he could not 
reconcile them. 


paclre. Three, Sahuaripa, Onabas, and Mobas, with 
seven towns, were in the mountains and known 
as Nevomes Altos; while four, Tecoripa, Comuripa, 
Matape, and Batuco, were in the plain. Four differ- 
ent languages, Cahita, Eudeve, Pima, and Ure, were 
spoken. No names of padres are given; but the 
baptisms for the year were seven hundred and sev- 
enty-two, and the marriages two hundred and two. 
Spiritual condition and prospects were all that could 
be desired, and miracles were not wanting. A terri- 
ble pestilence enabled many to show their predestina- 
tion to salvation by being more anxious about their 
souls than their bodies. Despite the devil's efforts 
through two old women to persuade the people that 
the pest was his own work, they chose to believe that 
it came from God as a punishment, and believing muy 
de veras that the author could give relief, resolved on 
a grand rogativa and procession, which took place in a 
pouring rain and all were healed. This was at Nuri ; 
the same expedient was tried elsewhere, but as faith 
was weaker and superstition stronger, the result was 
less satisfactory. At Comuripa where the long-con- 
tinued embustes of native sorcerers were powerless to 
produce rain, the prayers of innocent children gath- 
ered for doctrina brought down a copious shower as 
they left the church. At Onabas a relic of the dead 
Padre Bernardino Realino cured a dying paralytic in 
a night. The spirit often moved gentiles to come in 
from distant regions for baptism, and the slightest ill- 
ness caused the padre to be summoned, no matter how 
far away he might be. 

In 1673 a new difficulty arose between the Jesuits 
and ecclesiastical authorities. The bishop having 
died, Brother Tomas de Aguirre was sent in his place 
to ' visit ' the establishments of Sinaloa and Sonora. 
He was kindly received at Matape college by the rec- 
tor Daniel Angelo Marras, by the Jesuit visitador 
Alvaro Flores cle Sierra, and by other padres; but he 
was refused access to the mission books, and was shown 


royal orders in justification of the refusal. On Feb- 
ruary 5th Aguirre in writing refused obedience to the 
cedulas on the grounds that they were in conflict with 
ecclesiastical authority, had never been confirmed by 
later kings, and had never been enforced. The same 
day Father Marras replied, also in writing, claiming 
that the orders exempting Jesuit missions from the 
bishop's visitas did not conflict with episcopal author- 
ity, having been issued with the sole view of promot- 
ing conversion and Christianity; that they were not 
invalid per non usum since in sixty years the missions 
of Sinaloa and Sonora had been inspected only once, 
the Jesuits having submitted under protest in 1668 to 
save quarrels; and that they required no confirmation. 
He calls upon Aguirre to retract his auto. Next day 
the would-be visitador in his turn replied that while 
he could not grant the correctness of the rector's 
arguments, yet to prevent hard feelings and dissension 
he would suspend his inspection and leave the question 
to be settled by superior authorities. 14 

In 1677, as Alegre tells us, a small beginning was 
made in the conversion of the Seris, so troublesome 
in later years. The first, and perhaps the only con- 
vert, was an old man of one hundred years, who came 
to Banamichi to be baptized by Padre Burgos. Then 
we have for 1678 Padre Ortiz Zapata's valuable re- 
port, according to which the northern mission districts 
were three in number: San Francisco Borja with ten 
partidos and twent} 7 -seven pueblos; San Francisco 
Javier de Sonora with eight partidos and twenty-two 
pueblos ; and San Ignacio de Yaqui with ten partidos 
and twenty-three pueblos. Thirty padres were serv- 
ing about forty thousand persons, of whom perhaps 

14 Testimonio autentico de lo sucedido en la Visita, etc., in torn. xvi. of 
Archivo General, printed in Sonora, Material?*, 773-8; Alegre, ii. 466-7. 
The latter implies that the Jesuits objected only to a visita from an official of 
lower rank than the bishop; but the original documents show that they dis- 
puted the right of the bishop himself to inspect the books, asserting that on 
past visits he had never insisted on such an inspection, but had taken it for 
granted that all was correct. 


five hundred were Spanish or of mixed race. 15 There 
is another similar document extant, which both in my 
manuscript and printed copies bears the date of 1658, 
which must be an error, since some towns are cor- 
rectly stated in the document 16 to have been founded 
as late as 1679. From several circumstances which 
it is not necessary to name I suppose the date to have 
been 1688. This catalogue omits the Yaqui district 
in the south, but out of the other two forms three 
districts, or rectorados, as follows: San Francisco 
Borja, with nineteen pueblos in seven partidos; San 
Francisco Javier with fourteen pueblos in six par- 
tidos; and Santos Martires de Japon, with eighteen 
pueblos in six partidos — an increase of one padre, one 
partido, and three pueblos in ten years. The new 
district, formed chiefly from the old San Francisco 
Javier, included the towns from Batuco and Nacori 
northward. In a note I give the statistical substance 
of Zapata's Relation, and add such variations, except- 
ing minor ones of orthography, as are found in the 
Catdlogo. I omit, however, in most cases distances, 
because the Sonora towns with few exceptions can be 
definitely located on the map. 17 

15 Zapata, JRelacion, 344-92. 

16 Sonora, Catdlogo de los Partidos contenidos en los rectorados de las 
Misiones de Sonora por el ano de 1658, in torn. xvi. of Archivo General, and 
printed in Sonora, Materiales, 790-4. 

17 Mission of San Francisco Borja de Sonora, 10 partidos (rectorado with 7 
partidos in 1688. C'dtalogo): 

(1.) San Ildefonso Yecora, population 356, founded 1673; S. Francisco 
Borja Maicoba, pop. 153, founded 1676. Padre Pedro Matias Gori (Goni?) 
with 509 persons. Manuel Sanchez in 1688. 

(2.) San Francisco Javier Arivechi, pop. 466, founded 1627; S. Ignacio Baca- 
nora, pop. 253, founded 1627; Sta Rosalia Onapa, pop. 171, founded 1677; 
Padre Natal Lombardo (or Sambrano) with 890 persons. (I have in Jesuitas, 
Papeles, an autograph letter of Lombardo to Salvatierra of 1677.) A few 
small mining camps, the Spaniards going to Sahuaripa for religion. 

(3.) Sta Maria Sahuaripa, pop. 682, founded 1627; Teopari (S. Jose"), pop. 
369, founded 1676; San Mateo (Malzura), pop. 596, founded 1677; P. Domingo 
Miguel (rector in 1688), with 1,749 persons. 

(4.) Santos Reyes Cucurpe, pop. 329, founded 1647 (belonged before and 
after to S. Fran. Javier mission); S. Miguel Toape, pop. 240; Asuncion Opo- 
depe, pop. 320. P. Gaspar Tomas with 989 persons. P. Pedro Castellanos in 

(5.) San Miguel Ures (in S. Fran. Javier rectorado in 1688), pop. 904, 
founded 1036; Santa Maria Nacameri, pop. 362, founded 1638; Nra Sra del 
Populo Valley, no mission in 1678, but P. Fernandez ready to found one; 


In the mountain district stretching: north and south 
from Chinipa, a part of modern Chihuahua, any at- 
tempt with the data extant to clear up the confusion 
in pueblo geography would be utterly vain. Few of 
the towns can be even approximately located, and we 
must be content to know that they were in the sierra 
about the head- waters of the rivers Mayo and Fuerte. 

founded 1679, P. Francisco Javier Soto with 1,266 persons. P. Juan Fernan- 
dez in 1688. 

(6.) S. Jose" Matape, college town, pop. 482, founded 1629; Sta Cruz (Nacori), 
pop. 394; Asuncion Alamos, pop. 165; S. Fran. Javier Reboico, pop. 330, 
founded 1673. P. Jose Osorio (also in 1690), with 1,431 persons; P. Daniel 
Angel Marras, rector of college. P. Marras not named in 1688. (He died 
in 1689 in Mexico, Alegre, iii. 66, and was succeeded by Cavero. Sonora, 
Mat., 795.) 

(7.) Sta Maria Batuco (partido in new rectorado in 1688, pueblo Asuncion 
Batuco), pop. 428, founded 1629; S. Francisco Javier Batuco, pop. 480; S. Joa- 
quin y Sta Ana Tepachi, pop. 388, founded 1678. P. Juan Fernandez Cavero, 
rector, with 1,296 persons. Some mining camps. P. Fernando Pecoro. 

(8.) San Francisco Borja Tecoripa, pop. 269, founded 1619; S.. Ignacio 
Subaque, pop. 415; S. Pablo Comuripa, pop. 450 (called S. Pedro in Catdlogo). 
P. Nicolas Villafane, with 1,141 persons. 

(9.) San Ignacio Onabas, pop. 875, founded 1622; Sta Maria del Populo 
Tonichi, pop. 510, founded 1628; P. Juan Almoniza, or Almonacir, with 1,365 
persons, visitador in 1688. 

(10.) Santa Maria Mobas, pop. 308, founded 1622; S. Joaquin y Sta Ana 
(Nuri), pop. 180. P. Alonso Victoria with 488 persons. (P. Juan Meneses in 

Mission of San Francisco Javier de Sonora, 8 partidos (rectorado with 6 
partidos in 16S8. Catdlogo): 

(1.) San Miguel Oposura, pop. 334, founded 1644 (in new rectorado 1688); 
Asuncion Amipas (or Comupas), pop. 887; P. Juan Martinez, rector, with 
1,621 persons. P. Manuel Gonzalez in 1688. 

(2.) San Francisco Javier Guazava (in new rectorado 1688), pop. 632, 
founded 1645; S. Ignacio Opotu, pop. 424 (also Sta Gertrudis Techicode- 
guachi, in 1688). P. Jose" Covarrubias, with 1,146 persons. P. Antonio Leal, 
rector, in 1688. 

(3.) Sta Maria Nacori (in new rectorado 1688), pop. 450, founded 1645; 
S. Luis Gonzaga Bacadeguachi (written many ways), pop. 370; Sto Tomas 
Sereba (Setusura), pop. 262. P. Luis Davila. 

(4.) Sta Maria Baseraca (in new rectorado in 1688), pop. 399, founded 
1645; S. Juan Guachinera, pop. 538; S. Miguel Babispe, pop. 402. P. Pedro 
Silva, with 1439 persons. P. Juan Antonio Estrella in 1688. 

(5.) San Ignacio Cuquiarachi (in new rectorado in 1688), pop. 380, founded 
1653; Guadalupe Teuricachi, pop. 224; Sta Rosa Tibideguachi, pop. 214; S. 
Fran. Javier Cuchuta, pop. 227. P. Juan Antonio Estrella, with 1,050 per- 
sons. On frontier. P. Marcos Loyola in 1688. 

(6.; Asuncion Arizpe, pop. 416, founded 1648 (no pueblos in 1688); S. 
Jose Chinapa, pop. 393 (separate partido with a pueblo of Vescuachi in 1688); 
S. Miguel Bacuachi, pop. 195. P. Felipe Esgrecho, with 1,004 persons. Chi- 
napa under P. Carlos Celestri in 1688. 

(7.) San Lorenzo Huepaca, pop. 268, founded 1639; S. Ignacio Sinoquipe, 
pop. 367, founded 1646; Remedios Banamichi, pop. 338, founded 1639; P. 
Juan Munoz de Burgos, with 1,043 persons. 

(8.) San Pedro Aconchi, pop. 580, founded 1639; Concepcion Babiacora, 


The conversion and revolt of these mountaineers in 
1620-32 have been already narrated. In 1670 Padre 
Alvaro Flores de la Sierra of Toro mission converted 
a few Varohios of Yecarome, and with them founded 
a pueblo of Babuyagui half way between the mission 
and their home, sending for padres to continue their 
work. Alcalde Miguel Calderon also asked for padres 
for the Tubares whom he found well disposed during 
his mining explorations. In 1673 five new padres 
came, and one was stationed at Babuyagui by Sierra, 
who was now visitador. But Sierra died in 1673 ; the 
pueblo became a mere visita; the Maguiaguis were 
troublesome; the devil placed a tree across the trail, 
thus causing the padre's mule to jump with its vener- 
able rider into a deep barranca; and the new conver- 
sion had to be temporarily abandoned. 18 

Many Babuyagui converts, however, came to Toro, 
and were instructed by Padre Jose Tapia. In April 
1676 Nicolas Prado arrived and was followed a few 

pop. 445. P. Juan Fernandez, with 1,025 persons. P. Fran. Javier Soto in 

Mission of San Ignacio de Yaqui, 10 partidos (not in Catcdogo): 

(1.) Sta Rosa Bahium (Bacum), pop. 337; Espiritu Santo Cocorin, pop. 
510; P. Antonio Orena, with 847 persons. 

(2.) San Ignacio Torin, pop. 1,070; Trinidad Bicam, pop. 1,271. P. 
Andres Cervantes, with 2,349 persons. 

(3.) Asuncion Rahum, pop. 3,231; Trinidad Potan, pop. 1,133; ISTra Sra 
Belen, newly founded among Guaymas, pop. 5G4. P. Diego Neazquina, with 
4,95S persons. 

(4.) Sta Cruz de Mayo, pop. 2,803; Espiritu Santo Echonoba (Ehojoa?), 
pop. 2,1G4. P. Antonio Diego Sabanzo with 4,967 persons. 

(5.) Natividad Nabohona, pop. 172; Concepcion Covirimpo, pop. 1,141. 
P. Luis Sandoval, with 1,313 persons. 

(6.) San Ignacio Tesia, pop. 497; Sta Catalina Cayamoa, pop. 420. P. 
Antonio Leal, with 917 persons. 

(7.) San Andre's Conicari, pop. 413; Asuncion Tepahue, pop. 368, with 
rancherias Batacosa and Macoyahui. P. Antonio Mendez with 1,335 per- 
sons. Mining camp of Pieclras Verdes with 30 Spaniards. 

(8.) Sta Ines Chinipa, pop. 580; Guadalupe Boragios (Tayrachi), pop. 290. 
P. Nicolas del Prado. 

(9.) Nra Sra Loreto Varohios, pop. 269; Sta Ana, pop. 300; P. Fernando 
Pecoro, with 569 persons. 

(10.) Sta Teresa Guazapares, pop. 814; Magdalena Temoris, pop. 585; Nra 
Sra del Valle Umbroso,pop. 235. P. Bautista Copart with 1 ,G34 persons. Many 
other places where missions are proposed are vaguely located in the sierra. 

ls lielacion de la Nueva Eniruda de los padres de la Compania de Jesus alas 
Naclones de Chinipa, etc., in Sonora, Materiales, 779-83; also MS.; Alegre, 
Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 455-7, 405-6. 


months later by Fernando Pecoro. In June both 
padres, with a party of the Varohio converts, started 
for the land of the gentiles and arrived in six days at 
Chinipa, where the ruins of the old church were still 
to be seen. Prado remained here and founded Santa 
Ines Chinipa among the Guailopos; while his compan- 
ion went on in July to visit the Varohios, who had 
killed Pascual and Martinez, and who seemed at first 
likely to do as much for Pecoro, but soon became 
friendly, and were gathered in the towns of Guada- 
lupe, Valle Umbroso, and Santa Ana. The Guazd,- 
pares next submitted, their jmeblo being Santa Teresa; 
and then the Temoris at Santa Maria Magdalena. 
The bands known as Husarones, Cutecos, and Teca- 
voguis were also influenced more or less to give up 
their hostilities and immoralities. The two pioneer 
missionaries attended for four years to the whole field, 
baptizing more than four thousand persons, until June 
1680, when Juan Maria Salvatierra, afterward famous 
as the apostle of California Baja, but now fresh from 
his studies in Mexico, came and took charge of Santa 
Teresa and Magdalena. Eager to convert gentiles he 
started at once on a visit to the frontier Jerocavis 
and Husarones, baptizing many of the former and only 
prevented from baptizing all the latter by an order 
from his rector to proceed slowly as that people were 
notoriously of bad faith. 19 

In 1681 or a little later the conversion of the Tu- 
bares, hitherto well disposed, was undertaken on a 
very novel plan. One of the secular clergy, whom 
the bishop had not succeeded in settling as curate at 
Sinaloa, resolved to become the Tubare apostle, and 
tried it with a guard of five or six soldiers. His suc- 
cess for the first few days not coming up to his expec- 
tations he adopted the ingenious expedient of shackling 
the pagans and releasing them only when they begged 
for baptism. This naturally irritated the natives, who 
revolted, drove out the clerigo, and retained for years 

19 Relation de la Nueva Entrada y 84-9; Alegre, iii. 12-15, 25-7. 

REVOLT OF 1690. 249 

a prejudice against the true faith. It is well, how- 
ever, to bear in mind that this story is told by the 
Jesuits. In 1684, when Salvatierra had added to his 
Guazapare mission the pueblo of San Francisco Javier 
de Jerocavi, he was called to Mexico; but so incon- 
solable were his neophytes and so eager the padre for 
missionary work that he was soon permitted to re- 
turn. Back again his first work was to visit the 
rancheria of Cuteco and the barranca of Hurichi, where 
he made a good impression, though the Tubares 
worked against him. Then he went after the Tubares 
themselves, removing largely their prejudices and 
obtaining their aid to build roads from Vaca to Jero- 

The disaffection of the Tubares is claimed by the 
Jesuits to have caused indirectly the revolt of 1690, 
which, chiefly affecting Chihuahua, is to be recorded 
in another chapter; yet through Salvatierra's influence 
the Tubares themselves did not ensmsre in the rebel- 
lion, neither did the other bands under his personal 
care. Vague as are the records of this revolt east of 
the mountains they are still more so on the west. 
Alegre states that the Chinipas, or part of them, 
were near causing the death of Salvatierra, who was 
protected by the majority; also that on April 2d the 
savages fell upon the missions, mines, and haciendas, 
ravaging and burning everything as far as Ostimuri. 
There was much alarm also in the north about Base- 
raca and Babispe; but I find no clear indication that 
any lives were lost, churches burned, or towns aban- 
doned west of the sierra. Salvatierra had just been 
appointed visitador, 20 and not only did he keep his 
own former subjects quiet, but he crossed the sierra 
to the Tarahumara missions in the Yepomera region, 
where the padres had been killed and the converts 
for the most part had run away, doing more, it is said, 
to restore peace than could be effected by the military 

20 We have seen that, according to the Catdlogo, Padre Copart was in 
charge of the Guazapare mission. 


force. Again in 1696-7 there was trouble in the 
northern regions of the sierra, and the Guazapares 
and Cutecos not only did not join the rebels, but 
marched bravely against them and contributed largely 
to their defeat, greatly to the delight of Salvatierra, 
who was at the time visiting his old flock while wait- 
ing for a vessel to take him to California. He relates 
that each Christian warrior wore a rosary hung to 
his neck, and that not one thus protected was wounded 
above the waist. 21 In 1697 it seems that Prado was 
still in this field; Manuel Ordaz was in charge of 
Jerocavi and Cuteco; and two others were Martin 
Benavides and Antonio Gomar. Again in 1700 Sal- 
vatierra had the pleasure of revisiting for a day or 
two his old mission with a party of California Indians 
whom he had brought across to study the advan- 
tages of pueblo life. He was received with triumphal 
arches, and every demonstration of joyful welcome. 
Benavides and Gomar were yet here, but Prado and 
Ordaz had been replaced by Guillermo Ming and 
Francisco Javier Montoya. 22 

With the exception of the statistics already placed 
before the reader, the history of the old Sonora mis- 
sion districts, as already stated, is a blank during the 
last quarter of the century. It is only in the north- 
west, in Pimeria Alta, from the San Ignacio to the 
Gila, that the course of events has left any definite 
trace. Here Father Eusebio Francisco Kino was 
the central figure and moving spirit in all that was 
done. 23 We have seen him as priest and cosmogra- 

21 Salvatierra, Cartas, 109-12; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 50-4, 70-3; 
Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 91. 

22 Salvatierra, J'elaciones, 113. 

23 Eusebius Kiihn, as his name was doubtless written in his early years — 
Kino being a Spanish compromise between the original and Quino — was born 
at Trent in the Austrian province of Tyrol about 1G40, and was educated in 
the same country at Ala college, and subsequently in 13avaria, where he was 
connected with the university at Ingoldstadt. Attributing his recovery from 
serious illness to the intercession of San Francisco Javier, patron of the 
Indies, he adopted the name Francisco and vowed to devote his life to the 
conversion of American gentiles. With this view — whether he was already 



pher under Otondo in California, and learned that 
he left the colony at San Bruno in the autumn of 
1684, crossing over to the Yaqui. He probably re- 
mained in Sonora a year, attending to supplies for 
the colony, making the acquaintance of missiona- 
ries, studying the country and the people, and espe- 
cially seeking information about the gentile Pimas in 


a Jesuit or now became one does not clearly appear — lie resigned a professor- 
ship of mathematics at Ingoldstadt, or perhaps simply declined that position 
tendered him by the Duke of Bavaria, and came to Mexico in 1G80 or 1G81. 
He first attracted attention in scientific circles by engaging in an astronomical 
discussion with the famous Sigiienza y G6ngora, and was soon after attached 
to the expedition of Admiral Otondo as cosm6grafo, as well as priest for Cali- 
fornia, where his services have already been narrated. See p. 187 etc. of 
this volume. It was perhaps in California that he made his final profession as 
a Jesuit on Aug. 15, 1GS4. See Apostdlkos Afaves, 230, 328-30; Alcgre, Hist. 
Com p. Jesus, iii. 155-6; Venegas, Not. CaL, ii. 3-4; Clavigcro, Storia CaL, i. 
263-4; Dice Univ., iv. 547. His Explication del Cometa was printed in 
Mexico, 1G81. For a list of his MS. writings see Backer, Bib., v. 367-8. 


the northern region; for it was by that way that he 
hoped yet to reach the wonderful Californian lands 
in whose existence he believed, like others of his time, 
and which it seemed impossible to reach by any other 
way. He doubtless knew all that was to be known 
about Sonora, when, at the end of 1685, Otondo came 
over and took the cosmografo on a voyage to warn 
the Manila galleon. 

Most of 1686 was spent in Mexico in perfecting 
plans for the spiritual conquest of Pimerfa. No one 
had any objections to his converting gentiles as far 
north as he pleased; the only difficulty was to get 
money from the royal coffers. Yet as the sum re- 
quired was small, and the absence of so persistent and 
logical a beggar was very desirable, the viceroy gave 
him at last an allowance for two new missions, one 
to be founded among the Seris of the gulf coast, and 
he started northward the 20th of November. During 
his stay in Sonora he had noted a prevalent disregard 
of royal orders bearing on repartimientos and native 
laborers, which was one of the greatest obstacles en- 
countered by the padres. He therefore stopped at 
Guadalajara on his way, where he demanded and 
obtained from the audiencia an order exempting new 
converts for five years from all work in mines and 
haciendas. About the same time arrived the royal 
cedula of May 14th, of like tenor, but extending the 
exemption to twenty years, 24 a cedula strictly obeyed 
perhaps — in districts where there were neither mines 
nor haciendas. 

Armed with these documents and clothed in Jesuit 
zeal, Kino reached Ures early in 1687, obtained in- 
terpreters, and on March 13th as a beginning of his 
apostolic career founded the mission of Nuestra Senora 
de los Dolores just above Cucurpe, at the source of 
the river since called San Miguel, or Horcasitas. His 
subsequent movements for several years are not re- 

2i Previous cedillas of 1607 and 1018 had prohibited such labor for ten years 
after baptism. Recap, de las Intl., tit. i. 20, v. 3. 


corded in detail; but he founded the towns of San 
Ignacio 25 and San Jose Imuris on the Rio San Ignacio 
some twenty-five or thirty miles across the mountains 
from Dolores, and also Remedios between Dolores 
and Imuris. Imuris would seem to have been aban- 
doned some years later. The natives were the most 
intelligent and docile yet found in Sonora; but from 
the very first years exaggerated and absurd rumors 
of their ferocity are vaguely alluded to as having kept 
away other padres and greatly troubled the pioneer, 
who nevertheless kept on alone and before 1690 had 
fine churches in each of his villages. 26 

The Apaches, Jocomes, Suinas, Janos, and other 
savages in the north-east were constantly on the war- 
path, 27 and by the authorities in Sinaloa and Mexico, 
in fact by everybody but Father Kino, the Pimas 

25 It seems to have been called S. Ignacio Caborca at first, but as the native 
name was rarely applied later, and then with a great variety of spellings, and 
as there was another pueblo known as Caborca, I have contrary to my usual 
custom used the Spanish name exclusively. The pueblo of Imuris was oftener 
written Hymeris or Himeris. 

2G Apostolicos Afanes de la Compania de Jesus escritos por un padre de la 
misma sagrada religion de su Provinciade Mexico, Barcelona, 1754. This im- 
portant and rare work was completed in Mexico in 1752 and published by P. 
Francisco Javier Fluvia as above. The writer modestly claims that his book 
is only a collection of original memorias from the pens of different Jesuit mis- 
sionaries, arranged in chronological order with here and there slight modifica- 
tions to insure a certain uniformity of style. No special lack of uniformity 
is, however, noticeable, and the style is perhaps equal to that of other shnilar 
chronicles of the time. Certain passages in the work show that the editor 
was probably Padre Joseph Ortega of the Nayarit missions. See also Backer, 
Bib., iv. 497-8, from Beristain; and Id., v. 354. The work is full of miraculous 
happenings, but the author protests that in recording divine intervention in 
behalf of persons not canonized by the church, he claims no other credit than 
such as is awarded to a 'purely human' and diligent historian. The copy 
consulted by me is in the library of the Jesuit college of Santa Clara. Libroa 
ii. and iii. relate to the Jesuit work in Pimeria, and the former almost exclu- 
sively to Kino's achievements down to 1710, being in substance as is believed 
Kino's own letters on the subject. It may be regarded probably as the Ilis- 
toria de Sonora vaguely alluded to by several writers as having been left in 
MS. by Kino. It is of course an authority of the very highest class, having 
in fact only one rival to be mentioned later. See also on the beginnings of this 
conversion Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 60-2; Sedelmalr, lielacion, 843-5; 
Venegas, Not. Cal., ii. 87-90; Clavigero, St or. Cal., i. 176-7; Velasco, Sonora, 
139; Id., in Soc. Mex. Geog., viii. 658. 

Padre Osorio, writing Feb. 24, 1690 from Matape, where Juan Fernandez 
Cavero was now rector since the death of Marras, states that the Pimas arc 
anxious for conversion and desire that Padre Juan Meneses at Mobas be sent 
to them. Sonora, Maleriales, 795-6. 

27 According to Sonora, Descrip. , 605-6, the savages attacked Sta Rosa and 
Cuquiarachi in May and June 1688, driving out the Opatas. Fifteen soldiers 


were supposed to be implicated in their outrages. This 
caused great annoyance all through his career to Kino, 
who insisted that the Pimas were innocent, as they 
doubtless were now and for some years. Salvatierra 
in his tour as visitador met Kino at Dolores in the 
spring of 1691, and these two kindred spirits fairly 
revelled in their apostolic castle-building and plans for 
spiritual conquest on both sides of the gulf up to the 
latitude of Monterey, if not to the strait of Anian 
or the North Pole. Kino took the visitador on a 
tour not only to his villages of converts, but far be- 
yond among the gentiles, intent on showing how well 
disposed they w^ere for Christianity. They went to 
Tubutama and Saric, possibly crossed the modern 
Arizona line to Tumacacori, 28 and returned to Cocos- 
pera after having met a large delegation of Sobaipuris 
who begged for padres. At Cocospera they parted, 
Kino remaining awhile in this vicinity, and Salva- 
tierra continuing his visita southward after exacting 
a promise from his companion to build a vessel on the 
coast with a view to further exploration. 

Again in 1692 Kino returned to Suamca, and is 
said to have gone as far north as Bac, near the mod- 
ern Tucson; 29 and at the end of the same year, or more 
likely early in 1693, he explored for the first time the 
country from Tubutama westward down the river to 
a point within sight of the gulf. Four thousand peo- 
ple, called Sobas, from the name of their cacique, w r ere 
found round about Caborca, willing to be converted 
and to make peace with their eastern neighbors, for- 

were sent up from Sinaloa and founded in 1690-1 the presidio of Fronteras, 
or Corodeguachi, though the site was afterward changed. 

28 The route according to Apost. Afanes, 248-52, was Dolores, Magdalena, 
Tupo, Tubutama, Saric, Tucvbavia, 8. Cayetano Tumacacori ((see note 35), 
Sta Maria Suamca, Cocuspera. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 73-4, names 
Guevavi as the place where the Sobaipuris were met; and he strangely speaks 
of Tubutama, Saric, and other rancherias as missions already founded, 
although at most they could only have been visited by Kino and a few chil- 
dren baptized. Still moi^e strangely he speaks of the padres being ordered to 
retire from Remedios and Imuris, although there had been no padres there at 
all. Velasco, Sonora, 139, speaks of Tubutama as re-established and Guevavi 
as founded during this trip. 

29 Apost. Afanes, 251; Alegre, iii. 82. 


merly their foes. Padre Agustin Campos had now 
come up to take charge of San Ignacio, and he was 
one of this party. 30 

In 1693 Sonora was again separated, practically and 
perhaps formally, from Sinaloa, or from the jurisdic- 
tion of the comandante at San Felipe. At the petition 
of the inhabitants, a new "flying company" of fifty men 
was organized for the defence of Sonora, and Domingo 
Jironza Petriz de Crusate, ex-governor of New Mex- 
ico, was in February put in command with the title of 
capitan-gobernador. He is called in documents of the 
time, governor, general, or captain, and his authority 
in Sonora was apparently the same as that of the 
comandante of Sinaloa, there being nothing to indi- 
cate that he was in any way subordinate to that official. 
He also held after March the office of alcalde mayor 
in place of Melchor Buiz. His capital and ordinary 
place of residence was at San Juan Bautista. He 
came up to Sonora probably in 1693, obtaining recruits 
for his company on the way, including six at Sinaloa 
presidio; and at once proceeded to initiate his men 
into active service by two successful campaigns against 
the savages who had recently attacked Nacori and 
Bacadeguachi. In 1694 the work was zealously prose- 
cuted in at least four campaigns on the north-eastern 
frontier against the Apaches, Jocomes, Janos, and 
allied bands. In the first Jironza killed thirteen and 
captured seven of the band that had stolen 100,000 
head of horses in the vicinity of Terrenate and Bate- 
pito. This was in the spring. Again in September 
he repulsed with great slaughter six hundred savages 
at Chuchuta, being aided by three hundred Pimas 
with poisoned arrows. In November also the Pimas 
aided in an entrada made by the combined forces of 

80 Sedelmair, Relation, 844; Mange, Hist. Pirn., 22G-31; Velarde, Descrip. 
Hist., 375. The author of the Apost. Afanes, followed by Alegre, says that 
Kino and Campos on this occasion ascended the Nazareno hill, and this may 
be so; but probably not, for Mange implies that it was at least named on a 
later trip when he was present. According to the Apost. Afanes, Kino made 
a second visit to the coast in July 1C93. In Magdalena, Libro de Bautismos, 
MS., Padre Campos writes: ' Entr6 en esta mision el alio de 1G93.' 


Jironza and Captain Juan Fernandez de la Fuente of 
the Janos presidio; but little or nothing was accom- 
plished after much hard marching and not a little 
fighting. Subsequent raids were of frequent occur- 
rence, but are for the most part very imperfectly re- 
corded. 31 

Juan Mateo Mange was a nephew of Governor 
Jironza, who had left Spain in 1692 to join his uncle, 
and had been appointed by the latter ensign in the 
compania volante. At the beginning of 1G94, being 
made lieutenant, alcalde mayor, and cajntan d guerra, 
he was detailed to accompany the padres on their 
expeditions, with orders to write official reports of all 
discoveries. His reports have fortunately been pre- 
served, and are the best original authority on the 
exploration of northern Sonora, being often more sat- 
isfactory than even Kino's letters as embodied in the 
A'postolicos Afanes. 22 On the 1st of February Mange 
left San Juan, the capital, arriving the 3d at Dolores 

31 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 227-59; Alegre, iii. 84. 

32 31 an ge (Historia de la Pimeria Alta. Diarios originales y qficiales 
por D. Juan Mateo Mange, capitati a guerra y teniente de alcalde mayor). 
Thus shall I refer to a work without title preserved in MS. in torn. xvii. of 
the Archivo General in Mexico, of which I have a MS. copy. It was also 
printed in Doc. Hist. Mcx., se"rie iv. torn. i. 226-402, to which of course my 
notes refer. The work is composed of Mange's diaries given literally, hut 
connected apparently with remarks by some editor whose name is not known. 
It is divided into 12 chapters, giving a very complete history of northern 
Sonora and southern Arizona from 1692 to 1721. Chapters ix.-xii. pp. 344- 
90 were written by P. Luis Velarde, the successor of Kino at Dolores in 
1716. These chapters contain an account of the people and the country with 
some historical information. Chapter xii., written either by Mange, or more 
likely by the unknown editor, is chiefly descriptive, but also contains a 
re'sume of history before 1692. I shall cite Velarde's part of the work as 
Descripcion Hist6rica de la Pimeria, with the page of the printed edition. 

Under the title Sonora, Materiales para la Historia de la Provincia, may 
be noted the contents of torn, xvi.-xvii. of the MSS. of the Archivo General, 
copies in my Library from the collection of the late E. G. Squier, printed in 
Doc. Hid. Mex., serie iii. torn. iv. 489-932; sene iv. torn. i. 1-468. This is 
an invaluable collection, the very foundation of Sonora annals; but I have not 
very frequent occasion to refer to its general title, because many of its docu- 
ments are worthy of being cited as separate works under their own titles. 
See in list of authorities Sonora, Descrip. Geog.; Id., Descrip. Suscinta; Id., 
Catdlogo; Id., Resumen; Salvador, Consulta; Noticias de Esp>ed.; Lizasoin; 
Informe; Sedelmair, Relacion; Id., Entrada; Gallardo, Instrucciones; Yiklo- 
sola, Cartas; Keller, Consulta; Quijano, Informe; Cancio, Noticias; Croix, In- 
structions; Reyes, Noticia; Testimonio Autdntico; Relacion de la Entrada; 
Bernal, Relacion; and Kino, Tercera Entrada. 


ready for the duties of his new position. On the 7th 
Kino and Mange, armed with faith and with a picture 
of the celestial apostle San Francisco Javier, crossed 
over the Sierra del Comedio to Santa Maria Ma^da- 
lena, where after a day of preaching and baptizing 
they were joined by Padre Antonio Kappus from 
Opodepe, and two Spaniards. Starting on the 9th 
they took a turn north-westward through the moun- 
tains, returning to the river near the junction of the 
two branches, and reaching Caborca in two days. 33 
They followed the river down to its sink, and the 
general course of its dry bed westward, turning 
aside on the 14th to cross a range of hills, from the 
highest peak of which, named Cerro Nazareno, they 
looked out upon the waters of the gulf, its isles, and 
the contra costa. 34 Next day Kino and Mange went 
on in advance of the rest, and were the first to reach 
the coast from the interior of Pimeria Alta. The 
return to Dolores, where they arrived on the 23d, 
was by the same route, save that they kept nearer 
the river between the junction and Magdalena. It 
does not seem desirable in this or other similar entra- 
das to describe the petty incidents of the inarch or 
of intercourse with the natives, whom they found 
always friendly and willing to hear their preaching. 
Caborca, in a fertile region artificially irrigated by 
the Soba inhabitants, seemed to all the best spot for 
a mission. 

With a view to visit other Soba rancherias, with 
certain reported salinas, or salt-beds, and especially 
to build a boat for exploration as had been agreed 
with Salvatierra, another trip was made almost imme- 

33 Magdalena was called by the natives Buquibava. The route was: Tu- 
pocuyos, S. Miguel Bosua, Laguna S. Bartolome Qacue (to which point Capt. 
Fuente and Alcalde Castillo had penetrated three years before in pursuit of 
runaways from Opodepc. On the return march Toape and Mastuerzos were 
named in this region nearer the river), Pitiqui, on river; Caborca, sink of 
liver, 3 leagues; S. Valentin, 9 1.; Cerro Nazareno, 1.; Ollas, 3 1. ; coast, 9 1. 

31 Four hills on the California coast were named the Santos Evangelistas; 
an island in the n. w. with three hills, Tres Marias; and the island of the 
Sens, or Tiburon, in the s. w., San Agustin. 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 17 


diately. Kino and Mange left Dolores the 16th of 
March with twenty native servants and. carpenters 
bearing tools and even some of the more complicated 
parts of the proposed craft. This time they crossed 
over by Magdalena to San Pedro Tubutama, which 
was now a regular mission pueblo, with four hundred 
inhabitants, under Daniel Januske, who had taken 
charge in 1693. Thence they went down the river, 
passing Santa Teresa, San Antonio Oquitoa, and a 
place they named El Altar, which name has since 
clung to locality and river. The boat, thirty feet 
long, was to be built at Caborca and dragged to the 
sea. A large poplar was selected for the purpose, and 
after a certain amount of machete work at the base, 
Captain Mange climbed the tree to attach a rope by 
which it was to be pulled down. The tree fell .some- 
what prematurely, bringing down with it the valiant 
captain, who was saved from serious injury only by 
the prayers of the pious Kino kneeling on the ground 
below. Mange went to the coast again by the same 
route as before, finding some fine salinas and a little 
port which he named Santa Sabina. The natives 
were tractable as before, and each chief received a 
badge of office from the representative of the Spanish 
crown. Eighty children and sick persons were bap- 
tized, and the list of registered candidates for salva- 
tion was increased to 1,930. The timber must be 
seasoned before the boat could be built, and the party 
returned to Dolores on the 4th of April, to return 
again in June. This time Mange left Kino at Tubu- 
tama, and went up the river to a rancheria named 
Cups some twenty-three leagues beyond Tacubavia," 5 
where he heard of large tribes, and particularly of 
casus grandes, five days' journey north-eastward on a 
great river flowing from east to west. Rejoining 
Kino at Caborca he found that the padre had received 

35 Mange says that Tacubavia was the limit of Salvatierra's visita, so that 
if he went on to Tumacacori, as reported, he must have turned back and 
taken a more eastern route. The route at this time was: Tubutama, Entubun 
2 leagues; Saric, 51.; Busanic, Tacubavia, 3 1.; (Jubo, 9 1.; Cups, 14 1. 


from the visitador Juan Munoz cle Burgos an order to 
suspend his boat-building, an order which he obeyed 
although acting under the orders of his provincial. 
Mange was left sick at San Ignacio under the care 
of Father Campos. The patient craved cold water, 
which the padre medico denied him ; but one night in 
his thirsty delirium he reached the shelf on which 
the water was kept, and by tipping over the tinaja 
drenched himself from head to foot. The padre rushed 
in at the noise, but too late; the sick man was cared 
and was soon able to go to the capital. 36 

Kino was not at first disposed to credit the report 
of casas grandes and a great northern river; for there 
is nothing to show that he had any definite knowledge 
of Coronado's explorations in the past century; but 
some natives from Bac visited Dolores and confirmed 
the report. Consequently in the autumn of 1G04, while 
Mange was with General Jironza on an Apache cam- 
paign, he started on alone to ascertain the truth, reach- 
ing and saying mass in the now famous Casa Grande 
of the Gila. No diary was kept, and our knowledge 
is limited to the bare fact that such an entrada was 
made. 37 Bcports to the provincial and viceroy on the 
disposition of the Sobas brought Padre Francisco 
Javier Saeta from Mexico, and he went in January 
1695 to his mission of Concepcion Caborca. Planting 
a cornfield, and repairing the house already built, he 
began his work with the most flattering prospects. 33 
Trouble was, however, brewing in Pimeria, largely it 
is believed by the fault of the Spaniards. I have al- 
luded to the prevalent suspicions of Pima complicity 

36 3Iavge, Hist. Pirn., 230-55; Aleqre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 82-3; Apos- 
Wlicos Afanes, 252; Venegas, Not. Cat, ii. 91, erroneously states that Kino 
completed the boat, and in it discovered the port of Santa Sabina, a state- 
ment repeated in Calij brnie, Hist. Chrct., 97. 

37 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 259; Sedelmair, Relation, 845-C; Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
Jem*, iii. 83-4. In Apost. Afanes, 253, it is implied that Kino on this trip 
named two Pima rancherias on the Gila Encarnacion and S. Andres. See also 

eo, Sonera, 140. 

38 According to Apost. Afane*, 254, Kino accompanied Saeta to Caborca in 
Oct. 1G94, before he went on his northern trip, and Saeta's arrival in Jan. 
was on his return from a tour of begging for supplies. 


in the raids of savages, suspicions which neither Kino's 
assurances nor the conduct of the Pimas had removed ; 
at least the Spanish officers and soldiers were careless 
and committed many hostile acts on unoffending 
natives. For instance Lieutenant Solis, finding some 
meat in a ranch eria, killed three Indians and flowed 
all he could catch on a charge of cattle-stealing. The 
meat proved to be venison! Again a Spanish major- 
domo, 39 with Opata assistants introduced at Tubutama 
to instruct the neophytes, became overbearing and 
cruel, resorting to the lash for every trifling offence, 
and thereby incurring the hatred of natives whom the 
padres had always found tractable under kind treat- 
ment. The result was a revolt. On March 29th, in 
the absence of Father Januske, the Pimas not only 
rescued one of their number about to be flowed, but 

, ©o J 

killed one or more of the Opatas, burned the padre's 
house and the church, and profaned the sacred images 
and vessels, the very depth of iniquity in the eyes of 
the chroniclers. Then the malecontents started down 
the river, obtained some recruits at Oquitoa, failed to 
do so at San Diego Pitiqui, and on April 2d, holy 
Saturday, arrived at Caborca. Here they attacked 
the native servants, and when Saeta came out to 
restrain them with gentle words two arrows pierced 
his side. Falling on his knees he crawled to his 
room and bed, where, after suffering a thousand 
indignities and torments, he was despatched with 
twenty-two arrows and blows of clubs, the assassins 
then proceeding to the same excesses and destruc- 
tion as at Tubutama. 40 Four servants were killed, 
and the rest of the people fled, apparently with- 

39 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 84-8, is, however, the only authority who 
mentions a Spaniard as one of the offenders at Tubutama. 

40 According to Velarde, Hist. Descrip, , 375-82, Saeta had heard of danger 
but preferred martyrdom to flight. It had been his intention to go to Cali- 
fornia and found there a mission of Sta Rosalia de Palermo. An Indian burned 
the body, swollen from the effects of poisoned arrows; but the ashes were 
saved and deposited at Toape or Cucurpe, whence in 1714 they were removed 
to Sicily. A very rare flexible crucifix embraced by the dying martyr was 
kept at Arizpe as a most precious and sacred relic. See sketch of Saeta's life, 
in Dice. Univ., vi. 732-3. 


out having taken any active part in the outbreak. 
Jironza and Mange, with padres Campos and Beyerca, 
and an armed force, hastened to the spot, but found 
all the villages abandoned. The country was scoured 
and a few fugitives were killed or captured. Taking 
with him the ashes of the martyr, with the arrows 
that killed him, Jironza returned to -Dolores; while 
Solis with the main force was sent to Tubutama. 
Here a few natives were killed, and the rest begged 
for peace, which was promised on condition that they 
were to give up the guilty and come unarmed to the 
Spanish camp. Fifty of them did so come and were 
treacherously massacred. 41 

On the supposition that the natives would be in- 
timidated by this wholesale murder, called by the 
despicable Solis a victory and not very much disap- 
proved it would seem by the governor, the army was 
now sent to Cocospera en route for Apacheria, except 
a guard of three men at San Ignacio under Corporal 
Escalante, and also three men under Mange at Do- 
lores. But the Pi mas hardly waited for the soldiers 
to get out of sight, when, having completed the work 
of destruction in Tubutama Valley, they crossed over 
and meted out the same fate to all the towns on the 
Rio San Ignacio. Padre Campos saved his life by 
running away to Cucurpe, protected by the four sol- 
diers, who fought as they ran. After it was all over 
the padre " felt very sad to think that martyrdom 
had twice escaped him," yet he bore this misfortune 
bravely. Father Januske had not attempted to 
return to his mission. Of Kino during the whole 
trouble we only know that he hid the sacred utensils 
in a cave and calmly awaited death at Dolores, a mis- 
sion which, however, was not attacked, on account of 
the padre's popularity, or his prayers, or perchance 

age, Hist. Pirn., 2G1-71, says some trouble occurred while the guilty 

were being tied, and all were killed without any one knowing exactly how it 

d ; some say by order of Solis. The Jesuits condemn the act as an 

nncalled-f >r murder, except Velarde, who does not mention this part of the 

fc all. 


because the soldiers came up too soon. Governor 
Jironza called upon all the presidios for aid, and with 
a large force ravaged the whole country in a campaign 
respecting which no details have been preserved, until 
the people were compelled by hunger and fear of 
annihilation to come in crowds to beg for peace and 
pardon and food and work. By missionary influence 
a general pardon was granted on August 17th, and 
the padres set to work to recover lost ground. 42 

From the middle of November 1695 to the middle 
of May 1696 Kino was absent from Pimeria on a visit 
to Mexico, where he went to defend the Pimas from 
unjust charges, to explain the true causes of the revolt, 
and to obtain missionaries with license to explore and 
convert in the far north. In Mexico he again met 
Salvatierra and labored without immediate success to 
advance their mutual plans for the reduction of Cali- 
fornia. He obtained a nominal apportionment of five 
padres for Pimeria; but for some not very clearly ex- 
plained reason only one, Padre Gaspar "Varillas, came 
back with him. On the homeward journey, by way 
of Tarahumara, the Jesuits turned aside to visit a 
missionary just in time to save their lives, for the 
whole company of attendants including some Span- 
iards were killed by savages. Crowds of Pimas, Sobas, 
and Sobaipuris came from far and near to welcome the 
returning apostle at Dolores, loading him with gifts 
and promises and petitions; but he had no aids to 
undertake his favorite schemes, and had to be content 
with slow progress. The devil seems to have given 
his particular attention to the creation of obstacles by 
circulating false reports about the Pimas, who were 

42 In the Macjduhva, Lib. Baufixmos, MS., Campos writes: ' Se perdicron 
los papelea de los bautismos al afio de 1605 en el alzamiento y quemazon de 
estos trcs pueblos. Y la gente esparcida no se agrego hasta este auo de 1698.' 
The author of A]>oH. Afanefi, 255-G3, mentions another masscre of 10 Pimas 
V Lthout any inquiries about their guilt. The leaders More given up and sciv 
teDced to death, but by the influenee of PP. Kino and Polici their lives were 
spared. Sedelmair, Relation, 844-5, says Saeta was killed March 15th, and 
that peace was not finally declared until Nov. 1G9G. Kiel, Apinit., G7, attri- 
butes the murder to Sobaipuris. See also mention in Uonora, Descrip. Cecg., 
I < latsco, tSonora, 140. 


accused of being at the bottom of every hostile move- 
ment, no matter how far from their country. Father 
Campos, who had served at Dolores during Kino's 
absence, now rebuilt San Ignacio, and the three, with 
Captain Mange, revisited Tubutama and Caborca, 
Varillas chosing the latter, though it does not appear 
that he went there to live permanently for some years. 43 
Of Januske nothing more is heard in Pimeria. 44 

In 1696-7 Kino revisited most or all of the places 
that have been named, perfecting arrangements for 
future work especially in the north, baptizing children, 
and leaving some live-stock. 45 Early in 1697 Padre 
Pedro Ruiz de Contreras arrived and was put in 
charge of Suamca, with Cocospera as a visita. Strong 
as was Kino's attachment for Pimeria it had by no 
means extinguished his first love for California, and 
when in 1697 Salvatierra at last got his license, Father 
Eusebio at once announced his intention to join him; 
but so great was the grief of the Pimas, and so urgent 
the protest of Jironza and Polici, declaring his pres- 
ence absolutely necessary to the peace of the country, 
that he either consented or was ordered by his supe- 
riors to remain, a course of which time proved the 
wisdom even for the interests of California, for whose 
missions he did much more on the main than he could 
have done on the peninsula. 46 On September 15, 
1698, a grand religious fiesta was held at Pemedios, 
a visita of Dolores, on the occasion of dedicating in 
her new church a beautiful image of Our Lady sent 

43 According to Apost. Afanes, 263-70, P. Kino conducted the new padre 
to Caborca in Feb. 1697. 

41 Velarde, Descrrp. Hist., 375, says that before 1695 Pimerfa had five 
padres and was formed into the rectorado of Dolores. These were those 
already named: Kino, Campos, Kappus, Januske, and Saeta. Horacio Polici 
was now superior of the Sonora missions residing at Bascraca. 

43 8. Pablo Quiburi, S. Javier del Bac, S. Luis, S. Cayetano Tumacacori, 
S. Ger6nimo, Sta Maria Suamca, and S. Pablo arc named. 

iG A/e>jre, Hist. Camp. Jesus, m. 89, 99-100. According to Apost. Afanes, 
282, the arrangement was that Kino should stay alternately six months in 
Pimeria and six months in California. See also on mission progress of the 
period Mange, Hist. Pimeria, Ti 1; Sadelmair, Relation, 844-5. 


from Mexico. It was a time of joy and enthusiasm, 
of processions and church rites, of bell-ringing and 
salutes and music, of speech-making and preaching, 
in the presence of Spaniards and neophytes from the 
south and of native chieftains from the country as 
far north as the Gila Valley. The pun of the pious 
Kino fairly revels in the narrative of the day's 
glories. 47 

The suspicions respecting Kino's gentiles led in the 
autumn of 1697 to the first military expedition to the 
Gila, the object of which was to ascertain the real 
disposition of the natives and to search for a general 
repository of the stolen goods accumulated during the 
raids of the past thirteen years. On November 5th 
Lieutenant Cristobal Martin Bernal, with Alferez 
Francisco Acuha, Sergeant Juan B. Escalante, and 
twenty soldiers of the compama volante, marched by 
order of General Jironza from Corodeguachi by Ter- 
renate, Suamca, and San Joaquin, to Quiburi on the 
river now known as San Pedro. Here Bernal was 
joined on the 9th by Kino and Mange, who with ten 
servants, thirty horses, the vidtico, and a few trifling 
gifts for the Sobaipuris, had left Dolores on the 2d. 4S 
At Quiburi lived Captain Coro, a Sobaipuri cacique 
who instead of being a confederate of the Apaches 
was found engaged with his warriors in a dance round 
thirteen Apache scalps, and who joined the expedition 
with thirty natives. Kindly received by the people 
of every rancheria and meeting with no adventures 
worthy of mention they marched down the river, called 
Rio Quiburi, to the junction of the Gila, a stream 
whose aboriginal name is perhaps recorded for the 
first time in the diaries of this journey, it having been 
called before Rio Grande, or by Ohate in 1G04-5, Rio 

4 ' Kino, Relation de Nra Sra de los Remedios en su nueva capilla de m 
nut vo pueblo de las nuevas conversionea de la Pimeria. Letter of Sept. 16th, 
from Dolores, in Sonora, Materiales, 814-16. 

1 Kino's route had been Dolores; Remedios, 8 leagues n. ; Coc6spera, 6 1. 
n.; S. Lazaro, 6 1. n.; Sta Maria (Suamca), 6 1. E. up river: S. Joaquin Baso- 
Buma, 14 1. N. ; Sta Cruz Gaibauipetea, C 1. E. on river; Quiburi, 1 1. n. on river. 


de Jesus. 49 From the 16th to the 21st of November 
they explored the Gila Valley westward somewhat 
beyond the Casa Grande, of which monument of more 
ancient times, since famous, the diaries of this trip 
contain the first definite description, showing that the 
condition of the ruin has been but little changed since 
that time. 50 One group of ruins was examined by 
Escalante on the north side of the river. Many ran- 
cherias were visited by detachments wandering in 
different directions, and reports were received of quick- 
silver mines, and of white men bearing fire-arms and 
swords wdio sometimes came to the Colorado. Of 
course no record of northern exploration at this period 
could be complete without such tales. The party 
started back on the 21st up the river since called 
Santa Cruz, by way of Bac, Tumacacori, Guevavi, and 
Cocospera, to Dolores, where they arrived the 2d of 
December. 51 The journey out and back w r as estimated 
at 2 GO leagues; the explorers had been received with 
triumphal arches and every token of welcome; 4,700 
natives had been registered, and, so far as time w r ould 
permit, instructed; and 89 had received the rite of 
baptism. Badges of office had been given, as the cus- 
tom was, to many chieftains; and so far as the mem- 
bers of the party were concerned all doubt of Pima 
fidelity w r as dispelled. 52 

49 The rancheria names in their order down the Rio Quiburi were: Quiburi; 
Alamos, 10 leagues; Causae, 15 1. (a point previously reached by Capt. Ra- 
mirez) ; Jiaspi or Rosario, 2 1. ; Muiva, 11.; S. Pantaleon Aribaiba, G 1. ; Tutoida, 
3 1. ; Comarsuta, 3 1. ; Victoria Ojio, 3 1. ; Gila River, G 1. 

50 Coronado had perhaps visited this ruin in 1540, calling it chichilticale or 
'red house;' and Kino as we have seen said mass in it a few years before this 
visit. For a complete description, with cuts of the Casa Grande, with a 
chronological history of all visits to it, including quoted descriptions from 
these diaries, see Native Paces of the Pacific States, iv. 621-32, this series. 
The original MSS. obtained since the publication of my former work contain 
some simple drawings of the Casa not reproduced in the printed copy. I 
have also photographs of the ruins. 

51 Route: S. Andres, Sta Catalina, S. Agustin, S. Javier del Bac or Ba- 
tosda, 8. Cayetano Tumacacori, Guevavi, Cocospera, Remedios, Dolores. 

r ° 2 JJcrna/, Relation del Estado de la Pimeria, que remite el P. Visitador 
Horatio Polici, por el alio de 1697, in Sonora, Materiales, 7D7-SCO; also MS. 
This Belacfbn is made up of 1st a letter of Lieut. Bernal, mentioned by Mange 
always as Capt. Martin, to P. Polici, dated Dec. 3d, speaking in general terms 
of his journey beyond the Gila 'to the confines of the new nations of the 


After an illness of several months Kino started 
north again on September 22, 1698, with seven or 
eight natives and sixty horses, accompanied by Captain 
Diep-o Carrasco instead of Mange, an unfortunate sub- 
stitution for the historical student as the original diary 
is not extant. Reaching the Gila by way of Bac, he 
found the natives friendly as before at the rancherias 
of Encarnacion and San Andres, some distance below 
the Casa Grande and perhaps near the Pima Villages 
of modern maps. From San Andres he went on to 
the gulf, where "to the leeward of the mouth of the 
great river" he found a good port with fresh water 
and wood. Thence he went down the coast to Caborca, 
and returned to Dolores by way of Tubutama before 
the 18th of October, having counted forty rancherias 
with over four thousand souls, baptized four hundred 
children, and given out some badges of office. This 
is Kino's own statement in a letter to the visitador, 
and writers who have apparently seen other original 
documents have not been able from them to satisfac- 
torily define the exact route followed. 53 The evidence 

Opatas and Cocomaricopas; and even to near the Moqnis'! and 2d, a detailed 
diary, signed on Dec. 4th by Bernal, Acufia, Kino, Escalante, and Francisco 
Javier Barsejoh. Strangely Mange's name is not mentioned at all. The other 
diary is that given by Mange, Hist. Pirn,., 274-91. Kino, Breve Relation, in 
Sonova, Mater tales, 811, also briefly notices this entrada 'hasta cerca de los 
Moquis.' See also A leave, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 101-2; Sedelmair, Relation, 
84G; Apost. Afanes, 2G8-9; Villa Senor, Theatvo, ii. 204. 

b3 Kino, Carta (Oct. 18th), in Sonova, Materiales, 817-19. This is a hasty 
letter written before he had time to copy his regular diary, which was sent 
on Oct. 20th. He states that Carrasco also wrote a report. He implies that he 
reached the gulf near the mouth of the river, and that he found the 40 ran- 
cherias on the coast which he followed for the greatly exaggerated distance 
of 80 leagues. He names two, S. Francisco and S. Serafin. According to 
Apost. Afanes, 212-4:, Kino went from S. Andres 80 1. s. w. to the gulf, and 
supposed the port discovered to be the Sta Clara of former voyagers. This 
writer says also, that although it is not mentioned in the relation before him, 
Kino elsewhere states twice that in 1698 he saw from the top of Sta Clara 
mountain (this mountain was near the mouth of the Rio Papago, though 
the author evidently supposes it farther north) that the gulf came to an end 
at the mouth of the river. From the port he examined the coast for 90 1. 
southward to Caborca. He names S. Andre's, S. Francisco, S. Serafin, 2 1. ; 
Merced, San Rafael (Actun), S. MarceloSonoydag(Sonoita), 15 1. w.; Caborca, 
40 1. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jems, iii. 203-4, saw "Kino's diary and quotes from 
i! to the effect that he at S. Mateo Soroydad (S. Marcelo Sonoita?) ascended 
a lull which lie called Sta Brigida, and from the top made his survey of the 
gulf, seeing the port which he supposed to be Sta Clara, and the mouth as he 
I of the Colorado; but could not see the California coast on account of 


and probabilities favor the supposition that Kino 
passed from the region of the Pima Villages south- 
westward to the latitude of Adair's Bay, which was 
probably his Santa Clara, made his observations from 
the hills between Sonoita and the mouth of the Rio 
Papago, and returned homeward not along the beach 
but keeping east of the hills, and obtaining perhaps 
from their summits occasional glimpses of the gulf. 

The worthy apostle could by no means keep his 
thoughts or his steps from turning northward, and 
February of 1699 found him ready for a new entrada. 
This time he was accompanied by Mange, who came 
up from San Juan for the purpose, and by Padre 
Adan Gil. The route was by way of Tubutama, now 
a visita of San Ignacio under Father Campos ; Sonoita, 
where the worn-out horses and fifty cows were left as 
a base of supplies for the reduction of this region, and 
for California if the padres should come over to Port 
Santa Clara; and thence to the Gila at a point about 
three leagues from the Colorado junction, arriving the 
21st of February. 54 It was the intention to go on to 
the Colorado river and down that river to its mouth; 
but the natives refused to serve as guides in that 
direction where their enemies lived. On the way the 
travellers heard of a giant from the north, who had 
bitterly oppressed the people till they suffocated him 
with smoke in a cave ; and here on the Gila there were 
strange tales of white men who had once passed down 
to the sea and returned eastward — perhaps a tradition 
of Onate — and of a very wonderful white woman, 

fog. Thus he shows the earlier writer to be in error in the statement that 
Kino at this time discovered that California was a peninsula. The two state- 
ments referred to were simply that he hud twice seen the gulf and not its 
head, not from Sta Clara Mt in 1G98, but from Nazareno Hill in 1094. Yene- 
gas, Not. Cal., ii. 91-2, tells us that Kino explored the coast south from Sta 
Clara to Sta Sabina Bay; and Gobien, in Lockman's Trav. Jesuits, i. 355, that 
he advanced northward along the coast as far as Sta Clara mountain. 

54 Full route: Dolores; S. Ignacio, 10 leagues w. ; Magdalena, 3 1.; Laguna 
Tupo (with good flax), 1. N. W. ; Tubutama, 12 1. N. w. ; Saric, 7 1. N. up river; 
Tacubavia, 3 1.; Guvoverde, 10 1. w.; Sta Eulalia, 5 1. w. ; arroyo, 5 1. N. w. 
5 1. w.; mud-holes, 13 1. w. ; Actun (S. Rafael), 5 1. N. w. ; Laguna, 1. w. ; 
Sonoita, 4 1. n. w. ; Carrizal, 10 1. w. down stream; Luna, 1. n. w. and 14 1. 
a . ; Gila, 12 1. n. w., 15 1., and G 1. n. w. 


doubtless Sor Maria cle Jesus Agreda, who had 
preached in an unknown tongue, and had twice risen 
from the dead when shot by the Colorado tribes; also 
of white and clothed men living in the north and on 
the coast, who sometimes came to trade for skins. 
Mange counsels investigation, since foreign heretics 
may be trading with and corrupting the natives. 

On the 24th they started up the Gila, named by 
Kino Rio de los Apostoles, 55 leaving the river at the 
big bend and striking it again on March 2d a few 
miles beyond the junction of the Salado and Verde, 
which streams they had discovered and named the 
same day from a hilltop. 56 Ten leagues farther over 
a sterile desert brought the explorers to San Andres 
Coata, the western limit of previous exploration. 
They had registered thus far 3,600 new gentiles, and 
were now on familiar ground. Passing Encarnacion, 
San Clemente,and Agustin Oiaur,they were welcomed 
at Bac the 7th of March by 1,300 natives who 
entertained their visitors for two days, and pointed 
with much pride to their adobe warehouse full of 
corn and their live-stock and other things made ready 
in the hope of having a real live padre to live with 
them. On the journey southward 57 Kino was seri- 
ously ill. Cocospera mission had been destroyed by 
Apaches in 1G98, and Padre Contreras had retired. 
At Remedios the new church, lacking a roof, had 
filled up with water like a tank and burst, and at 
Dolores where they arrived on the 14th, some damage 
had been done by heavy rains; yet many new candi- 

53 He also named the Colorado Rio de los Mdrtires, and the Salado and 
Verde with the southern branches (S. Pedro and Sta Cruz) Los Evangelistas. 

66 The Salado at the time of discovery is mentioned simply as 'otrorio 
ealobre* which joins the Verde; but is named elsewhere in the diary. The 
Verde was so called— or by an equivalent in the vernacular— by the natives 
because it passed through a sierra of many green stones. 

The rancherfas passed were: S. Mateo Caut, San Tadeo Vaqui, S. Limon 
Tucsani, S. Bartolome* Comae, the last being a Pima town 3 leagues from the 
Salado junction. An escoria of silver-bearing ore was found west by the big 
bend, supposed to have been washed down from N. Mexico by the current. 

■" Bac, Tamacacori, 20 leagues; Guevavi, C 1.: Bacuancos, 7 1.5 Cocospera, 
10 1. ; Kcmedios, 1.; Dolores, 8 1. 


dates for salvation had been found, marvellous reports 
had been heard in the north, and the heart of the 
missionary was exceedingly glad. 58 

Foes of conversion or of the Jesuits or dupes of 
the "enemy of souls" were not wanting who refused 
entire credit to Kino's reports of rich lands and docile 
Indians. It was suspected that his enthusiasm served 
as a magnifying lens transforming "worms into ele- 
phants." Absurd rumors were in circulation respecting 
the Gila tribes now that the more southern Pimas 
were partially relieved of suspicion and calumny. 
The Jesuits themselves were in doubt, and it was 
impossible to get new padres; yet the apostle was 
indefatigable in his efforts to set things right. Any 
one who came to Dolores was sure to be taken on a 
tour to the Gila so long as the padre could walk or 
sit on a mule. Antonio Leal, now visitador of Sonora, 
resolved to make the tour, and Father Francisco 
Gonzalez had a mind to be one of the party. Accord- 
ingly Kino and Mange made ready, and all left 
Dolores October 24, 1699, going up to San Javier del 
Bac by the route of the recent return. Here a strange 
thing occurred. On the summit of a hill the Spaniards 
found a white stone of somewhat regular shape, which, 
fearing it might be some kind of an idol, they over- 
turned, leaving a small round hole in the ground. 
No sooner had they come down than a violent gale 
began, so strong that a man could not stand before it; 
and it blew all night, filling the natives with dismay, 
for they declared that the "home of winds" had been 
opened. Next morning they went up and stopped the 
hole, whereupon the wind ceased. Leal and Gonzalez 
remained at Bac, while Kino and Mange went some- 
what farther down the river. Leal was very favorably 
impressed with the prospect, counted three thousand 
souls, and promised to send Gonzalez to be their 
missionary. The 5th of November they crossed over 

58 Manye, Hist. Pirn., 292-310; Afeqre, Hint. Comp. Jesus, iii. 110-12; 
Velasco, So?iora, 140; Ayost. Afanes, 275-8. 


to the Sonoita region, 59 and returned to Dolores on 
the 18th, having registered eighteen hundred Papa- 
botes, and baptized thirty-five persons. It was hoped 
this trip might banish the prevailing ignorance and 
prejudice in Mexico, and cause padres to be sent. 69 

Two other tours to the north were made before the 
end of the century, one to San Javier del Bac, and 
the other to the junction of the Gila and Colorado. 
In March 1700 Kino received a new present of blue 
sea-shells sent down by the Cocomaricopas, which 
directed his attention anew to the mysteries of Cali- 
fornia geography and to the importance of clearing 
up those mysteries. It was with this object in view 
that he started the 21st of April. At Cocospera he 
found the church rebuilt. At Los Reyes he was re- 
ceived by Captain Coro, who had recently come clown 
to Dolores to be baptized, and at Bac he was induced 
to remain awhile and to give up for the present his 
explorations. Here he was visited by delegations 
from many rancherias far and near; but his chief at- 
tention was given to laying the foundation of a large 
church, the building of which the natives seemed en- 
thusiastic to undertake. There was an abundance of 
tetzontli, a light porous stone, in the vicinity, which 
was largely used in the structure. 61 It is said that 
Kino would have remained permanently at Bac could 
he have obtained any one to take his place at Dolores. 
He returned in May, and the 24th of September 
started for the Gila by a route for the most part new, 
striking the river east of the bend, 62 and following it 
down to the Yuma country, where he succeeded in 

69 Bac, Tupo, 16 leagues; Cups, 3 l.j Actun, 81. In Apost. Afanes. S. 
Serafin is also named. 

60 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 311-20. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 112-13, gives 
the date of starting as Oct. 21st, and says that Padre Gonzalez was actually 
sent to Bac but did not stay long. The author of Apost. Afanes, 27"), 279-80, 
; of S. Luis Guevavi and S. Cayetano de Bac! 

01 It is possible, but not probable, that this was the beginning of the fine 
church which still stands at San Javier. 

62 Route: Dolores, Remedios, S. Simon y S. Judas, S. Ambrosio Busanic, 
Tacubavia, Sta Eulalia, Merced, 121.; S. Geronimo, 201.; Gila, 
5, 12, 101.; down Gila 501. 


making peace between the Yumas and their neighbors. 
Climbing a high hill he could see nothing but land 
for thirty leagues south and south-west, land which 
the natives said was occupied by Quiquimas, Bagi- 
opas, Hoabonomas, and Cutganas. From this point 
Kino was invited Iry the Colorado Yumas to visit 
their country, which he did by crossing the Gila and 
going down the north bank to the junction, where he 
named the chief Yuma rancheria San Dionisio from 
the day of arrival, and preached to crowds of gentiles, 
many of whom, of especially large stature, came from 
across the Colorado by swimming. Kino speaks of 
the lands in this region as Alta California; 03 and he 
thought that by going up the river some thirty-six 
leagues he might reach Moqui without passing through 
Apacheria. Returning to his former point of obser- 
vation he ascended a higher mountain, and at sunset 
clearly saw the river running ten leagues west from 
San Dionisio and then twenty leagues south into the 
gulf. From another hill to the south he saw the 
sandy shore of California, and thence returned home 
by way of Sonoita and Caborca, 64 reaching Dolores 
the 20th of October. On his return he was thanked 
by the governor and by Salvatierra for his discoveries. 
What he had seen had strengthened his opinion that 
California was not an island, but had by no means 
settled the question as some authors imply. 05 

Of military operations from 1G95 to 1700 we have 
no continuous record; but the nature of the warfare 

C3 This maybe the first use of the name; but it is attributed to Kino's 
Relation, which may have been written some years later. 

"Route: Gila, Trinidad, Agua Escondida, 12 leagues; watering-place, 12 1.; 
creek, 18 1.; Sonoita, 8 1.; S. Luis Bacapa, 12 1.; S. Eduardo, 20 1.; Caborea, 
10 1.; Tubutama, 12 1.; S. Ignacio, 17 1. 

G6 Apost. Afanes, 282-5; Salvatierra, Relaciones, 152-3. Yenegas, Not. 
Cal., ii. 94-7, and Alegre, Hist. Cowj>. Jesus, iii. 117-18, imply that Kino's 
discoveries at this time settled the geographical question by proving Cal- 
ifornia to be a peninsula, and that it was for this he was thanked by the 
authorities. See also Gobien, in Lockman's Trav. Jesuits, i. 356, and Kino's 
map, in Id., 395. Escudero, Not. Son., 12, taking his information from 
Frejes, evidently confounds this with a later trip. 


waged against the Apaches and other savages of the 
north-east was of the same type as that carried on 
against the same tribes well nigh clown to the present 
day. The comandante, often called governor, resided 
usually at San Juan, and a garrison of armed men 
was kept constantly at Fronteras, or Corodeguachi. 
It does not appear that there was any other perma- 
nent presidio in Sonora during the century; but this 
garrison acted in concert with that of Janos in Nueva 
Vizcaya, and reinforcements were often obtained from 
more distant points. The soldiers were almost con- 
tinually on the move in pursuit of savages who had 
attacked some frontier pueblo and fled with the plunder, 
chiefly live-stock, to their northern retreats. The 
booty was often recovered, a few of the raiders were 
killed, and numbers of women and children captured ; 
but a decisive victory resulting in a long period of 
quiet was impossible, as it has been for the most part 
ever since. I have already noticed some military 
expeditions in connection with mission work, but there 
were others that may be briefly mentioned. 

In September 1695, after the suppression of the 
Caborca and Tubutama revolt, the three comandantes, 
or generals, Jironza, Teran, and Fuente, united in a 
campaign against the Apaches, Jocomes, and Janos. 
The result was the killing of sixty savages and the 
capture of seventy "pieces of chusma," which, or who, 
were divided among the soldiers of the three com- 
panies. General Teran de los Bios died in this cam- 
paign, and most of the men were made ill by drinking 
the water of a spring supposed to have been poisoned. 
Father Campos served as chaplain. Early in 1696 
Lieutenant Antonio Solis marched against the Con- 
chos, who had committed outrages at Nacori, where 
Padre Carranco was missionary. Three chiefs w T ere 
shot and quiet was restored. In March the Apaches 
raided Tonibavi, taking two hundred horses, of which 
on pursuit one hundred had been recovered, the rest 
having died, and eighteen of the raiders having been 


killed. Immediately after the return of the soldiers 
the Apaches attacked and killed in the sierra of San 
Cristobal a party from Arizpe consisting of Captain 
Cristobal Leon, his son Nicolas, two other Spaniards, 
and six Indian arrieros. Jironza pursued with his 
companfa volante but killed only three of the foe. 
Then General Fuente was summoned from Janos, and 
the Apaches were driven to the Sierra Florida up in 
the Gila region, where thirty-two were killed and 
five piezas de chusma taken. 66 

Later in 1696 the safety of the province was again 
seriously threatened, and this time not by savages but 
by neophytes. Pablo Quihue, an intelligent native, 
ex-governor of Baseraca, planned a revolt, and exerted 
himself with much diplomatic skill and no small 
chances of success to make the movement a general 
one. His arguments were not only eloquently ex- 
pressed but as may be believed well grounded. He 
claimed that the Spaniards had taken their lands, 
filled the country with soldiers, often made the natives 
virtually slaves, and had in return brought no benefit. 
Nominally protecting the Pimas, Opatas, Conchos, 
and Tarahumares from the savage Apaches, they had 
in reality killed more of their proteges than they had 
of the Apaches or than the Apaches could have killed. 
The savages generally escaped after their raids, but 
the submissive natives on the most absurd and frivo- 
lous pretexts were accused of apostacy and rebellious 
designs, and were hanged, enslaved, or flogged. The 
success of Quihue's plans for a general rising was pre- 
vented perhaps by the precipitate action of the people 
at Cuquiarachi, Cuchuta, and Teuricachi, who before 
the leader was ready seized the church ornaments and 
other portable mission property, and ran away from 
their pueblos. The forces of Jironza, Fuente, and 
Zubiate were soon on the ground, and with the aid 
of faithful allies, among whom were the Guazapares 
of Salvatierra's former flock as already narrated, suc- 

™Mcu»j<>,irt*t. Pirn., 270-2. 

Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 18 


ceedecl by operations not clearly described, after two 
new hegiras of the neophytes and the hanging of ten 
rebels, in restoring order before the end of the year, 
although Don Pablo with a small party of followers 
kept up a show of resistance until the middle of 1G97. 67 

Early in 1G98 the savages directed their raids 
chiefly against the Pimas Altos of the frontier, either 
converts or at least friendly to the Spaniards, and, 
what was much more important to the Apaches, well 
supplied with corn and live-stock. Three pueblos 
were plundered and burned, with considerable loss of 
life, including Cocospera, where Padre Contreras 
barely escaped with his life after being wounded. 
The soldiers killed thirty of the foe; but it was re- 
served to Coro of Quiburi to strike the most decisive 
blow. Immediately after an Apache attack on Santa 
Cruz del Cuervo, or Jaibanipitca, Coro with five hun- 
dred warriors fought against the enemy all day, killed 
sixty men on the field, and fatally wounded a hundred 
and sixty-eight more with poisoned arrows. 68 The 
Pimas received many compliments and some contri- 
butions of money for their brave conduct in this affair; 
but the slanders against them were not lonsf checked, 
neither could they get the instructors which above 
all things they desired. Again in 1G99 a native cap- 
tain Humari distinguished himself by killing thirty- 
six savages in battle, and capturing some boys whom 
he sent to Kino for baptism. 09 

At the end of 1G99 Padre Melchor Bastiromo, in 
charge of Cucurpe and Toape, had been ordered to 
found a mission among the Tepocas, and had made 
some progress with a pueblo of Magdalena; but the 

67 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 272-3, says that Pablo and four companions escaped 
to Janos where God sent a thunderbolt and killed them at the very door of 
the presidio. Alerjre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 92-4; Salvatierra, Cartas, 109-12. 

68 Kino, Breve Relation, 810-13, says all but six of the attacking party 
were killed, and 54 dead bodies were found on the field. The author of 
Aposf. Afanes, 270-1, says that 10 warriors were chosen on each side to 
decide the battle, and the savages all fell, whereupon 300 of the flying survi- 
vors were killed by the Pima arrows. This writer and Alegre. Hist. Comp. 
Jesus, iii. 100-1, make the date 1097. See Mange, Hist. Pirn., 290-1. 

69 Apostdlicos, Ajanes, 277-81. 


Seris became troublesome, extending their plundering 
incursions in some instances as far as Cucurpe. Al- 
ferez Escalante was sent with fifteen men in January 
1800 to Magdalena, Populo, and to the coast. This 
may be deemed the beginning of the Seri wars which 
so long desolated the province. Escalante killed and 
caught a few Seris, but most escaped in balsas to 
Tiburon Island. In February he repeated the ex- 
pedition, rinding no Seris but bringing back one hun- 
dred and twenty new Tepocas for the pueblo; but on 
a third attempt in March he killed nine of the foe, 
also bringing in a few captives for Padre Gil at 
Populo. Father Maires is named as in charge of 
Magdalena a little later. Escalante, before returning 
to the capital, captured and returned over a hundred 
runaways from Father Campos' mission of San Igna- 
cio, besides making a successful hunt for apostates 
down as far as the Pio Yaqui. 70 

70 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 320-2; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 118-19. In 
addition to the authorities I have cited on the conquest of Pimeria, the fol- 
lowing may be mentioned as containing nothing original: Dice. Univ., iv. 
547-51, chiefly from Alegre; Californic, Hist. Chrct., 97-102; Gleeson's Jlist. 
Cath. CL, i. 3GG-70; TuihiWs Hist. Cat, 50-2; Famham.s Life in (Jul., 161-7; 
Alvarez, Estudios Hist., 288-327. 




Discouragement from Past Failures — Kino's Effort?? — Salvatierra En- 
listed — Brighter Prospects at Last — Begging Alms — Foundation 
of the Pious Fund — License from the Viceroy — Full Control in 
Jesuit Hands — Venegas, Clavigero, and their Followers — Salva- 
tierra's Journey to the North — Voyage across the Gulf — Casting 
Lots — At San Dionisio— Founding of Loreto Concho— Linguistic 
Studies — The Porridge Question Leads to Hostilities — A Battle — 
Coming of Piccolo — Salvatierra's Letters — A New Fort — New 
Church for Christmas — The New Year — Movements of Vessels — 
The Native Priests Make Trouble — A Second Fight — A New Ship — 
Pearl-fishery— A Miracle — Expedition to Lond6 — Vigge Biaund6 — 
Mendoza Succeeds Tortolero as Captain — View of the Pacific — 
Indian Policy — New Mission of San Javier — Misfortunes — Loss of 
the 'San Fermin' — Salvatierra Visits the Main — Vain Appeals to 
Government for Aid — Distrust of the Jesuits — Mendoza and the 
Garrison Discharged — Salvatierra Again Crosses the Gulf. 

From the time of Cortes to that of Otondo, we have 
followed the successive attempts of Spain to occupy 
California. All had resulted in failure, and several 
in disaster. Obstacles, chief of which was the fact 
that the country was not worth occupying, seemed 
insurmountable by the ordinary methods. Had Cali- 
fornian coasts been lined With rich and fortified cities, 
the problem would have presented fewer difficulties. 
The Spanish conqueror, an invincible hero with the 
prospect of hard fighting and plunder before him, with- 
out that incentive became too often a mutinous male- 
content. The pearls of the gulf could be obtained 
better by private venture than by colonizing expedi- 
tions; and the arid peninsula, if it was a peninsula, 

( 270 ) 


had no other attraction to the soldier of fortune. 
After Otondo's failure in 1683 the government was 
discouraged, resolving that no more costly expeditions 
should be fitted out. Yet the geographical position 
of California made its acquirement important if not 
indispensable to Spain. A council, summoned for the 
purpose, resolved in 1686 to intrust the conquest to 
the Compairy of Jesus; and wisely, for often where 
the mettle of the soldier had failed missionary zeal 
had triumphed. 

But the Jesuits, though offered an annual subsidy 
of 40,000 pesos, declined the task, on the ground that 
the undertaking would involve temporal concerns for- 
eign to the purposes of the company. They did not 
regard California as a very desirable field for mis- 
sionarj^ operations; or perhaps they hoped for more 
favorable terms at a later date. 1 A proposition of 
Lucenilla to conquer the country partly at his own 
expense was declined; but later it was decided to ad- 
vance to Otondo 30,000 pesos as a year's expenses for 
a new attempt. Just as the money was to be paid 
over, there came to the viceroy a royal demand for 
funds, with an order to defer all Californian enter- 
prises while the Tarahumara war lasted. The govern- 
ment made no more efforts; though Itamarra in 1694 
was permitted to make an entrada at his own cost, 
which resulted in failure. 2 

Father Eusebio Kino, who had accompanied Otondo, 
never forgot California or the promise of missionaries 
to its people. He even became an enthusiast on the 

1 The offer was declined during the absence of Provincial Bernabe" de Soto, 
who on his return is said by Salvatierra, Informe al Virey, 25 Mayo, 1705, to 
have regretted the decision. Forty thousand pesos is the subsidy named in 
Venegas, Not. CaL, ii. 1G0-1. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 00, makes it 
30,000. Father Kino and Admiral Otondo are said to have been members of 
the council. I have found no original record of its proceedings. 

2 California, E*tab. y Prog., 12-13; Alegre, Hint. Comp. Jesus, iii. 60, 81; 
Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 238-40; Clavigero, Storia delta CaL, 40, 175-6. It was 
said that over 40 vessels had now failed; 6 entradas had been ordered by the 
king; 4 had been attempted by Cortes at a cost of over $300,000; and 12 had 
been made by private persons. Itamarra brought back the information that 
the natives were awaiting the promised return of the missionaries. 


subject, vowing to devote his life to the work, As 
the heart of the conqueror is elated at the prospect of 
a new kingdom to vanquish, so the heart of the Ingold- 
stadt votary glowed with pious rapture as he contem- 
plated the spiritual conquest of this virgin field of 
paganism in the far north-west. It was with this 
object in view that Kino obtained a transfer to the 
Sonora missions. His heroic efforts in Alta Pimeria 
are recorded in other chapters of this volume; and 
while he was not able to reach California either by 
water or land to serve personally, }^et as we shall see 
he rendered no less effectual service in his chosen 
cause. In the north Kino met Father Juan Maria 
Salvatierra on his tour through the missions as visi- 
tador. 3 This missionary of ardent and sanguine tenir 
perament was quickly carried away by the eloquent 
fervor of his friend. The mantle of Kino had fallen 
upon him, and from that day forth the conversion of 
California was the object of his life. 

Without delay Father Juan Maria put his hand to 
the plough, nor looked back till the task was ended; 
but it was to cost him many a trial and disappoint- 
ment, and could hardly have been accomplished by a 
man of less patient persistence. He met opposition 
from all quarters. The society, through more than 
one provincial, looked coldly on the scheme as im- 
practicable; the audiencia of Guadalajara, the viceroy 
of New Spain, the king turned successively a deaf ear 

3 Salvatierra, originally written Salva-Tierra, was born, as Clavigero says, 
at Milan in 1644, of noble parentage and Spanish descent. His first studies 
were at the seminary of Parma. Becoming a Jesuit, full of zeal for the con- 
version of heathen, he set out for Mexico in 1075, and was sent to the Tara- 
humara missions of Nueva Vizcaya, where he did good service for several 
years. Returning to Mexico he, was honored by his superiors with high posi- 
tions; but all his emoluments he gave up, declining still higher places — even 
the post of provincial, the goal of every Jesuit's ambition — when he had 
undertaken the California enterprise. No eulogium on Salvatierra's charac- 
ter is needed here; the pages that follow will recount his deeds, and these will 
tell more eloquently than words what manner of man he was. Alegre, Hist. 
Comp. Jesus, iii. 96, gives his portrait, which is reproduced in Gleeson's work. 
Melchor de Bartiromo in an autograph letter of my collection, Papeles de Je&ui- 
t(i8, no. 24, communicates to Salvatierra in 1694 kind remembrances from the 
Princess Doriaand other prominent persons in Italy. Salvatierra's autograph 
occurs several times in the collection just cited. 


to the enthusiast's entreaties. This discouragement 
only impelled Salvatierra to fresh efforts; and he was 
cheered by a letter from Father Juan Bautista Zappa 
who assured his old friend that he was chosen by God 
to plant the faith in California. Zappa promised a 
speedy visit, and it is even said that he paid it the 
next year in spirit form just after his decease. By 
his advice Our Lady of Loreto, the invincible conquis- 
tadora, was made by Father Juan Maria his spiritual 
queen and patroness of his great enterprise. Still 
the years dragged on, and the end seemed no nearer. 
Salvatierra was transferred from the college at Gua- 
dalajara to that of Tepozotlan; and in 1G96 he visited 
Mexico, where he met Kino, and the two vainly ex- 
hausted their powers of argument, each returning in 
disappointment to his labors. 

But the general of the company, Tirso Gonzalez de 
Santaella, had become interested, and visiting America 
openly espoused the cause. The crown solicitor, Jose 
de Miranda Villaizan, had long been Salvatierra's 
friend; and the provincial, Palacios, had been wen 
over. 4 Under such influences the audiencia saw the 
scheme in a different light, and represented it favor- 
ably to the viceroy. The sky looked brighter. Sal- 
vatierra was released by bis provincial from other 
duties to seek pecuniary aid from private sources, it 
being understood that nothing could be expected from 
the crown. He went to Mexico for that purpose early 
in 1697. There he met Father Juan Ugarte, pro- 
fessor of philosophy in the Jesuit college, a man as 
shrewd as he was pious, with a remarkable address in 
the management of temporal affairs, who with unlim- 
ited zeal joined Salvatierra in the work of collecting 
funds, and consented to act as general agent of the 
enterprise in Mexico. 

4 The story is that Palacios, an opponent of the scheme, was attacked by 
a serious illness at Tepozotlan, and begged the intercession of the rector and 
his novices. Salvatierra, however, said lie could hold out no hope unless the 
sick man would promise the virgin his aid to the California mission; where- 
upon the frightened provincial vowed to urge the matter, and Salvatierra 


The first fruit of their united efforts was a promise 
of 2,000 pesos from the count of Miravalles and the 
marquis of Buena Vista. The generous example was 
quickly followed, and soon the contributions amounted 
to 15,000 pesos. Then the congregation of Dolores 
in Mexico gave 8,000 pesos to endow a mission, after- 
ward increasing the sum to 12,000 or an annual reve- 
nue of 500 pesos. To crown all, Juan Caballero y 
Osio, a wealthy priest of Queretaro, subscribed 20,000 
pesos as a fund for two other missions, promising, 
moreover, to honor all drafts bearing Salvatierra's sig- 
nature. These generous contributions were the foun- 
dation of the famous fondo piacloso de Califomias. 
Pedro Gil de la Sierpe, treasurer at Acapulco, gave a 
lancha, or long-boat, and promised to lend a galliot to 
cross the gulf. 

There was a royal cedula forbidding expeditions to 
California; but it was urged that the Tarahumara 
war, the foundation of that order, was ended ; and an 
argument of still greater weight was that the royal 
pocket was not to be touched. After much discussion 
the viceroy, Conde de Moctezuma, granted a license 
on February 5, 1697. It empowered Salvatierra and 
Kino to undertake the conversion of the Californians 
on two conditions; first, that it should be at their own 
expense, and second, that the country should be taken 
possession of in the name of the king. They might 
enlist and pay soldiers, appoint and remove officials; 
indeed the whole affair was left in their hands. 

Thus the boon so long and patiently sought was 
obtained — permission to enter at their own risk and 
cost a poor and unattractive country for the purpose 
of converting the heathen; and no conqueror ever 
( raved more persistently leave to invade and plunder 
a rich province. It has been the fashion to see sinis- 
ter and selfish designs in allJesuit undertakings; but, 
however much Loyola's followers in other parts of 

brought an image from the Casa de Loreto which effected a cure. Alegre, Hist. 
Comp. Jesus, iii. 90-1. 


the world may have merited this opprobrium, no just 
person will suspect that the founders of the California 
missions were actuated by any but the purest motives. 
That the founders in serving God sought to advance 
the glory of their order, and that the Jesuits not only 
dreamed of undiscovered wealth in the north-west, 
but attached an otherwise inexplicable importance to 
the arid peninsula in comparison with other missionary 
fields by reason of the exclusive control given to the 
society, are facts that by no means detract from the 
credit due to Salvatierra and his associates. Nor is it 
strange that Jesuit and other Catholic writers have 
exaggerated the difficulties overcome and the magni- 
tude of the achievement. 

Leaving Ugarte to collect and invest the promised 
funds, 5 Salvatierra hastened to Sinaloa to make prep- 
arations for his voyage. He spent some time in a 
fruitless search for two Californians brought over b}^ 
Otondo, who would have been most useful as inter- 
preters, but who were concealed by their master lest 
their services as' slaves might be lost. 

5 The standard authority on the early history of the missions has always 
been Venegas {Miguel), Noticia de la California, y de su conquista temporal, 
y espiritual hastael tiempo presente. Sacada de la historia manvscrita forma la 
en Mexico ano de 1739, por el Padre Miguel Venegas, de la Compania de Jesus; 
y de otras Notkias, y Relaciones antiguas y modernas. Ahadida de algunos 
mapas particulares; y uno general de la America Septentrional, Asia Oriented 
y Mar del Siir inUrmedio, formados sobre las Memo? , ias mas recientes, y exactas, 
gue se publican juntamente. Dedicada cd Bey N iro Se nor por la Provincia de 
Nueca- Espana, de la Compania de Jesus. Madrid, 1757, 3 vols. The author 
never visited California, but wrote in Mexico, using as his material letters of 
the missionaries and other documents, including a manuscript history by 
Padre Taraval. About 10 years after its completion, in 1739, it fell into the 
hands of Padre Andres Marcos Burriel, a learned Jesuit of Madrid, who made 
extensive additions from Spanish archives, improved it in form and style, 
and finally published it, adding several maps and illustrations. Some of the 
maps I reproduce in their proper place. The work is in four parts, of which 
the first treats of the country and its inhabitants; the second, of voyages to 
California before 1097, as already utilized in this volume; the third gives the 
mission history down to 1752; and the fourth discusses the latest northern 
explorations and to some extent the Northern Mystery. An English transla- 
tion, marked by numerous errors and omissions, was the Natural and Civil 
History of California. London. 1759, 2 vols.; and this, retranslated into 
French, was the JJistoire Naturelle et Civile de la Califomie. Paris. 1707, 3 
vols., 12mo, containing in the preface a bitter attack on the Jesuits, with 
much incorrect information on the mission system. There was also a Ger- 


Having to wait for the craft promised by Sierpe, 
Salvatierra made a visit to the scene of former labors 
in the mountains; and later a revolt in Tarahumara 
Alta required his presence, so that he was delayed till 
the middle of August. Back at the Yaqui he found 

man translation and a Dutch one. The work of Venegas and Burriel deserves 
nothing but praise both for matter and style. It is a straightforward state- 
ment of facts derived from the best sources; notably free from the bigotry, 
tedious dissertations, and other defects that often marred missionary chroni- 
cles. It was well nigh the first work to apply common sense to the solution 
of northern geographical problems. Doubtless there may be some truth in 
I)e Pauw's statement, Recherches Phil., i. 158-9, that the work was intended 
by the Jesuits as a refutation of charges by Anson and others; but it was the 
most legitimate of defences, a plain record of what the Jesuits had done in 
California, valid in the absence of evidence against them. De Pauw's charge 
that after reading it, 'on ne sait absolument rien: on reste dans 1'illusion ou 
l'ignorance, and en s'dtonne qu'on ait pu tant parler d'un pays, sans en rien 
dire,' is a very unjust and stupid one. 

Foremost among the followers of Venegas is Francesco Saverio Clavigero, • 
a native of Vera Cruz of Italian extraction, of whom in connection with his 
famous work on Mexico much is said in other parts of this work. He, like 
Venegas, never visited California; but he collected much material in Mexico, 
and after the expulsion went to live in Italy, where he wrote his book, pub- 
li ihed two years after his death. Storia delta California. Opera postuma del 
Nob. Sig. Abate D. Francesco Saverio Clavigero. Venezia, 1789. 12mo, 2 vols. 
A Spanish translation was the Historia de, la Antigua 6 Baja California. . 
Traducida por el prcsbitcro D. Nicolas Garcia de San Vicente. Mexico, 1C52. 
An English translation from the Spanish of all or part of the work was pub- 
lished in the S. Diego Herald, 1858; and an abridged translation of fragments 
was the Historical Outline of Lower Cat., San Francisco, n.d. (after 1862). 
Clavigero's record for the first half century is little more than a copy of Vene- 
gas; but for later years he used the manuscript histories of padres Barco and 
Ventura, both missionaries in California for many years, who revised his 
work aiul made additions. Though not the result of much original research 
the work is based upon excellent authority; and it is besides clearly and ele- 
gantly written. Alcgre, Hist. Comp. Jesus — a work noticed elsewhere — in 
that part relating to California, follows Venegas very closely, omitting noth- 
ing, but condensing greatly. 

The authorities cited, and chiefly Venegas, have been followed, at first or 
second hand, by modern writers, who have added nothing but inaccuracies, 
some of them not even those. There are other original authorities consulted 
by me, to be mentioned in later notes of this and other chapters; but these 
have had no influence on modern works. It must be noted that most works, 
other than Spanish, have consulted the English translation of Venegas or the 
secondary French translation, and have thus perpetuated many errors. Many 
sketches of the Jesuit era have been written as prefatory matter to the an- 
nals of Upper California, without original research or much regard for accu- 
racy; but there have also been carefully prepared accounts. California, by 
1 D. P. E. P. ,' is an account published in 1799 in Viagero Universal, xxvi. 
1-189. Lassepas, De la Colouizacion de la Baja California. Mexico, 1859, 
though mainly devoted to events of a later period, gives an able review of 
Ih" earliest missionary period. Histoire Chreilenne de la Californk. Par 
Madame 1 1 Comtesse * * *. Plancy, 1851 ; also in Spanish California, Hist. Oris- 
tiana, Mexico, ]<S(>4. giving Jesuit annals down to 1740, has nothing original, 
having been drawn apparently from the inaccurate French edition of Vene- 
gas, and the writer having added divers inaccuracies of her own. Cletsou's 


the lancha and galliot, and was greeted by the com- 
mander with a harrowing tale of perils escaped by Our 
Lady's aid on the way from Acapulco. 6 The vessels 
were kept waiting for nearly two months longer; and 
after all there was great disappointment, chiefly be- 
cause Father Kino was prevented by Indian troubles 
from joining the party as he intended, and also because 
for the same reasons only a small quantity of pro- 
visions could be obtained. Francisco Maria Piccolo 
had been appointed in Kino's place, but was not waited 
for. With a military escort of six men, a motley army 
with which Cortes himself might have hesitated to 
undertake a conquest, Father Juan resolved to embark 
without further delay, a step characteristic of the 
man. 7 

History of the Catholic Church in California, San Francisco 1872, 2 vols., is 
largely devoted to the peninsula missions. The author closely follows Vcne- 
gas and Alegre. He is somewhat over-anxious to defend the missionaries 
from all accusations, devoting to this subject much space that might be more 
profitably utilized for a plain reccrd of events. An important part of J. 
Ross Browne's Sketch of the Settlement and Exploration of Loicer California, 
San Francisco, 1SG9, is Alex. S. Taylor's Historical Summary of Lover Cali- 
fornia, 1532-1SG7. This is probably the best of the works that have resulted 
from the untiring zeal and limited opportunities of the author. It is lar ely 
confined to voyages, but gives a concise review of mission history. Navar- 
rete in his introduction, Sutil y Mexicana, Viaje, gives a brief review of the 
founding of the missions; and there is some information in Escudero, Noticias 
Estad. de Sonora, Mexico, 1849. See also statements en resume in Erejes, 
Historia Breve, 244 et seq. ; Diccionario Universal de Hist, y Geo;/., passim, 
being largely biographical sketches of the missionaries; Soc. Mex. Geo;/., Bol., 
v. 445; viii. C58; ix. 235; Hernandez, Compend. de Geog., no. ii. ; Humboldt, 
Essai Politique, 310 et seq.; Williams (Mrs E.) Catholic Missions in Cat. In 
Hesperian, ix.-x.; Delaporle, Vcyageur Erangois, x. 3G1 etseq. ; Anson's Voy- 
age, 327 et seq., Lecse's Hist. Outline; Lochman's Travels of the Jesuits, i. 395 
et seq. ; Kip's Hist. Scenes, 50, etc. ; Hughes' Cal. of the Padres, etc. There is 
also a resume" in Forbes' Hist. Cal.; an excellent one in Tuth ill's Hisl. Cal.; 
and others of varying degrees of accuracy in many works on Upper Califor- 
nia which it is not necessary to name here. All the works cited follow Vene- 
gas and Clavigero as already explained. Other authorities, original in the 
sense of not following the writers named, will be noticed in note 15 of this chap- 
ter; and elsewhere some will be mentioned as belonging to special topics or to 
later events exclusively. 

6 The commander was Juan Maria Romero de la Sierpe, cousin of the 
treasurer. Venegas, ii. 10, says the trip had lasted seven months, which 
must be an error. Clavigero, i. 183, makes it one month and seven days. 
The vessels ran on a rock near Navidad; at Chacala the men were mutinous 
on learning that there was to be no pearl-fishing; they were also in great dan- 
ger while waiting at Yaqui; but the virgin led them to a hidden anchorage 
as she had rescued them from previous perils. Salvatierra, Cartas, 1 12. 

7 The padres at Yaqui gave 30 cattle, one horse, 10 sheep, and four pigs, 
which were put on the lancha. Salvatierra, Cartas, 15. Something was done 


In the evening of October 10, 1697, the vessels 
left the port of the Yaqui, anchoring outside; and 
next morning spread their canvas for the voyage. 
The missionaries on shore watched their venturesome 
brother depart, expecting never to hear of him again 
alive, and perhaps envying his prospective crown of 
martyrdom. It seemed as if these forebodings were 
to be speedily fulfilled; for hardly had the galliot 
sailed a league when a squall drove her aground on a 
sand bar ; but with strenuous exertions on the part of 
all she was again set afloat. By night they had ad- 
vanced ten leagues; next morning the Californian 
coast was sighted; and at dusk they anchored in San 
Bruno Bay. Fearful of shoals they put to sea again; 
and in the night the lancha lost sight of her consort 
and was driven back to the main. The galliot was 
driven next day up to Concepcion Bay, where the 
voyagers landed the 1 5th to say mass, returning south- 
ward in the night and landing on the 16th at San 
Bruno. A few natives were met here who kissed the 
Christ and were most friendly. Salvatierra with Tor- 
tolero and others proceeded to Otondo's old camp at 
some distance, where they spent the night; but here 
was only desolation; water was scanty and brackish; 
it was no place for a mission; and they returned to 
the shore much disheartened. Then Captain Romero 
bethought him of a pleasant cove at San Dionisio 
some ten leagues farther south which he had visited 
before. 8 By the casting of lots the matter was left 
to the virgin patroness, and the decision was in favor 

toward having a small vessel built for the California service, but it was never 
finished. Id., 155-6; Apost. A fanes, 250. The force was composed of Alferez 
Luis de Torres Tortolero; Est6van Rodriguez Lorenzo, a Portuguese who later 
became captain; Bartolome de Robles Figueroa, a Creole of Guadalajara; Juan 
Caravafia, a Maltese; Nicolas Marquez, a Sicilian, and Juan, a Peruvian 
mulatto. Also three Indians, Francisco, Alonso, and Sebastian, from Sinaloa, 
Sonora, and Jalisco respectively. Romero commanded the vessels, and there 
were six sailors on the lancha. 

8 'Dos afios antes,' says Salvatierra. Cartas, 121. This may be a misprint 
for ' doce anos,' which might make the statement agree with that of Venegas, 
ii. 19, that Romero had been with Otondo; or he may have accompanied some 
private pearl expedition. 



of a change. Accordingly the adventurers reembarked 
and arrived safely the 18th at San Dionisio. It 
proved to be a desirable spot, well wooded and watered, 
and inhabited by tractable natives. Beginning on 
the 19th it took four days to pitch their camp on a 
mesa at a little distance from the shore and to bring 
there the galliot's cargo. 

The stores in a triangle round the camp formed an 
impromptu fort; a pedrero, or swivel -gun, mounted on 
a mezquite stump, was their artillery. The natives 


helped willingly enough for a daily allowance of pozole, 
or porridge, and a handful of maize for each special 
task. Familiarity soon diminished their fear and 
respect for the strangers, resulting in thefts and im- 
pudent disregard for rebuke ; but a strict watch was 
kept. A smart shower fell on the 23d, much to the 
damage of exposed stores and to the surprise of the 
new-comers, who had supposed it never rained in Cali- 
fornia. Next day the image of Our Lady of Lorcto 
was landed, and carried in procession with great cere- 
mony to the camp, where a cross had been set up and 


a tent prepared as a church. On the 25th mass was 
said and formal possession of the country taken for 
Spain. Such was the founding of the first California 
mission, named Loreto in honor of the holy patroness. 9 
The native name of the place seems to have been 
Concho, or at least early letters were generally dated 
at Loreto Concho. 

Of the lancha, bearing six men and the best part 
of the supplies, nothing had been heard for two weeks. 
The loss, if she was lost, must be made good without 
delay; and the 26th the galeota sailed in quest of men 
and provisions. Meanwhile Salvatierra, besides serv- 
ing as priest, officer, sentry, and even cook, had found 
some spare moments to study the native tongue. He 
had a vocabulary and catechism made by Copart at 
the time of ton do's visit. Children were his chief 
instructors, and his pronunciation caused much merri- 
ment among his little fellow-students; but by dint of 
infinite patience a kind of jargon of Spanish, Indian, 
and gestures was formed to meet present needs. It 
is wonderful with what facility the New World mis- 
sionaries acquired the native languages. It is not 
uncommon to find them a few da}^s after arrival in a 
new country giving religious instruction in the ver- 
nacular. Great as was their zeal and skill, however, 
it is likely that a literal rendering of what was said on 
both sides at these early conferences would be more 
amusing than instructive. Salvatierra soon had regular 
hours for teaching prayers to the more tractable of 
his flock, distributing after lessons extra allowances 
of pozole. This pleased the recipients; but there were 
many others, averse to prayers and work but fond of 
porridge, who, when they saw that only the pious and 
industrious were to be supported, w T axed wroth and 
helped themselves to whatever they could lay hands 
on. They did not fail to note the diminished force 

9 Salvaticrra's letter to Ugarte of Nov. 27th, Salvatierra, Cartas, 115-2S, 
gives a much move detailed account of events down to this point than do 
Y( negas, Clavigero, Alegre, and the host of lesser lights rcilecting those 
luminaries. On these letters, see note 15. 


of the strangers after the vessel's departure. Besides 
constantly pilfering from the maize-sacks they on one 
occasion drove off the sheep and goats, and on another 
stole the only horse. Fortunately the convert favorites 
served as informers and the stolen property was gen- 
erally recovered. 

October 29th there appeared a chief, "a great eater" 
says Salvatierra, whose body was half consumed by 
cancer, who said he had been named Dionisio by 
Otondo's party, and who revealed a plot of the Mon- 
quis to attack the camp that night. Preparations 
were hastily made to give the foe a warm reception, 
and a careful watch was kept. At midnight a gun 
was heard at sea in the direction of the Monqui ran- 
cheria, and was answered by a discharge of the pedrero. 
At dawn a departing vessel was seen, but from a 
native who had boarded the craft it was learned to be 
the galliot still bound for Yaqui, and not the lancha 
as had been hoped. The sail and the guns had 
frightened the hostile natives; but the 1st of Novem- 
ber they came to the mission in large numbers, armed 
with stones and wooden swords, demanding pozole. 
Being given food they became more insolent and were 
finally driven away by the threats of the Spaniards 
after discharging a vollev of stones at the fort. 10 Next 
day they came back for pozole as if nothing had 
happened, received it, and were allowed to hang about 
until evening, when with the aid of a fierce dog they 
were again dismissed. This state of affairs lasted 
several days till the fatigue of watching began to tell 
on the little force, provisions also becoming scarce to 
make their condition desperate. 

But worse was yet to come. November 12th Dio- 
nisio, baptized the day before by reason of his increas- 
ing illness, gave warning of a new attack. Next day 

10 One Indian threatened to kill Salvatierra if lie did not give him a sack 
of maize. The padre, however, pretended to mistake the word ltd 'to kill,' 
for Luis, the name of an Indian carried away by Otondo, and thus while talk- 
ing found his way out of the jostling crowd into the intrenchmcnL.i. Salva- 
tierra, Cartas, 135-G. 


the Indians were more insolent than ever. Some of 
them managed to pick a quarrel with the guard, and 
were driven off by the fiery Tortolero. Live-stock 
was driven in, and even while it was being done a few 
arrows fell round the camp like the big drops preceding 
a tempest. Everybody stood to arms, Salvatierra 
with the rest, and in a few moments they were as- 
saulted on all sides. 11 For two hours a storm of 
arrows, stones, and dirt raged against the camp, doing 
but slight damage; then there was a lull, followed 
by a renewed assault. It was time to teach the bar- 
barians a lesson, and the pedrero, the great hope of 
the pilgrims, was trained upon the screaming mob 
and discharged. Where was Our Lady of Loreto! 
The gun burst, knocked the gunner down, and came 
near annihilating the rest of His Catholic Majesty's 
force in California. Seeing the enemy thus hoist 
with his own petard, and expecting to find nothing 
left in camp but pozole, the savages rushed forward, 
and retreated with no less alacrity on being met 
with a shower of bullets which killed three of their 
number and wounded many more. At sunset a mes- 
senger came to beg for peace, and women brought 
children as hostages. They were surprised to find no 
one hurt; for Figueroa and Tortolero concealed the 
fact that they were wounded. 

The cry of 'A sail!' startled the Loreto pilgrims on 
the 15th, and soon the lost lancha came to anchor, 12 
with welcome supplies and reinforcements, which put 
the garrison in high spirits and stimulated Salvatierra 
to renewed efforts. The arquebuse had proved mightier 

11 The Monquishad induced three other tribes, Edues, Didues, end Lay- 
mones, to join them. According to Clavigero, Storia della Col., 188, the as- 
sailants Mere 500. The garrison numbered 10 men. 

12 Salvatierra, Cartas, 1-18; California, E*t<>b. y Prog., 17; Alegre, Hid. 
Com p. Jesus, iii. 98. Venegas, ii. 32, and Clavigero, 191, make the arrival 
on the L4th, the day after the battle. The crew related that after the sepa- 
ration on Oct. 12th they had beaten about for some time in search of the gal- 
liot, and then returned to Yaqui. They said the galeota on her return had 
been in great peril on the mainland coast but had escaped. 


than the missal in teaching submission, and now the 
natives became clamorous for baptism, which Father 
Juan Maria discreetly refused to administer without 
further proofs of conversion. 13 There was a quarrel 
between the factions of the formerly hostile natives, 
but the missionary with his customary tact contrived 
to patch up a peace. Religious lessons were resumed, 
and pozole was again doled out to those who attended. 
In a general assembly Salvatierra read the viceroy's 
instructions, made an eloquent harangue on the glo- 
rious future of the enterprise, and formally appointed 
Tortolero captain of the garrison, also regulating 
minor concerns of the young colony. 

The galliot came back November 23d, bringing, to 
the inexpressible joy of the missionary, his old friend 
and co-worker Father Piccolo. 14 Success now seemed 
assured; and in the fulness of his heart Salvatierra 
at once wrote to his friends and benefactors in Mexico 
of what had been done, the letters being sent by the 
galliot, which sailed the 27th for Acapulco by way of 
Chacala. 15 The seven months for which the vessel 
had been lent had expired, and she was to be returned 
to her owner Sierpe. 

13 Dionisio had been the first to receive the rite; and now three children 
were baptized. Dionisio was called Bernardo Manuel, and one of the children, 
his son, Manuel Bernardo, in accordance with the wish of the viceroy and his 
wife that the first two converts should be so named. 

11 Francisco Maria Piccolo was a native of Sicily, born in 1G50. He came 
to, Mexico shortly before 1G86, when he went to the Tarahumara missions of 
Chihuahua, where he labored most efficiently until permitted by his superiors 
to go to California. 

15 The letters written on this occasion are those I cite as Salvatierra, Car- 
tas. They are four in number, printed in Doc. Uist. Ilex., s6"rie ii. torn. i. 
103-57. The first to the viceroy, dated erroneously Nov. 28th, briefly re- 
counts late events, praising the soldiers, and Sierpe for his generous loan of 
the vessel. The second, Nov. 26th, is addressed to the viceroy's wife, the 
Duquesa de Gesar, a patroness of the enterprise. The need of more funds is 
the key-note of this communication. The third letter of Nov. 27th, ad- 
dressed to Ugarte, is the most important of all, being a detailed account of 
all proceedings from the writer's arrival in Sinaloa down to date. The fourth 
letter is a religious rhapsody addressed to 'My Father, Brother, Friend, Com- 
missioner and my Captain, Seiior Don Juan Caballero y Osio,' the Queretaro 
priest, who it will be remembered gave 20,000 pesos for the missions, and who 
here gets nearly the worth of his money in extravagant eulogy and promises 
of future beatitude. These four letters and another to Ugarte of July 9, 1099, 
are found also in M or Ji, Coleccion de Documentor, MS., 276-321. 

Another and still more important collection of the venerable Jesuit's let- 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 19 


There were now eighteen men at Loreto; two 
padres, seven soldiers, five sailors, and four natives. 
They were well supplied with arms and ammunition, 
and when the ship had gone applied themselves to 
the erection of new fortifications, a double line of pali- 
sades bound together with reeds and banked with 
earth, forming a wall three feet thick and five feet 
hkfh. AVithin the enclosure were built a little wooden 
church, dwellings for padre and captain, and barracks 
for the soldiers. A magazine and other buildings 
were added later. 16 The galliot had left a four- 
poundei* and two pedreros. These were conspicuously 
mounted, though it would have required a brave gun- 
ner to fire them; while two blacksmith's bellows were 
also placed upon the works, their nozzles crammed 
with bullets. They inspired more fear than the 

ters is that which to which I give the title, Salvatierra Iielaciones, 1GD7-1709. 
It contains principally three long letters to Ugarte dated July 3, 1G98; April 
1st and July 9, 1699; and one to the provincial Francisco de Arteaga written 
late in May 1701. These form a continuous and detailed narrative from 
November 1697, the date of the Cartas, to 1701. They fill 127 printed pages; 
and to them are added nine extracts from other letters of different dates down 
to 1709, addressed to Bishop Legaspi, Juan Miranda, fiscal at Guadalajara, 
and Father Kino. 

These Relaciones, with extracts from reports of padres Tamaral, Barco, and 
others of 1730 and later years; with California, Memorias para la Historia 
Natural de Cal. escrifas por un rdigiosode la Provincia del Santo Evangello de 
Mexico, auo de 1790, 220-55; and with a concise chronological rdsume of events 
from 1*530 to 17G2, filling about 70 pages, and interspersed with the letters and 
extracts — make up the work entitled California, Establecimento y Progresos 
de his Misiont s de la A ntigua California. JJi^mestos por un religioso delSanto 
Evangelio de Mexico (1791-2). It was compiled by a Franciscan after the 
expulsion of the Jesuits; formed torn. xxi. of the Arcluvo General de Mexico, 
MS.; and was printed in Doc. Hist. Mcx., serie iv. torn. v. 

I may mention here also Salvatierra, Escritos Autdgrafos, 1G77-1702, a 
collection of four original autograph letters in my possession. Two of them 
were written in Tarahumara before the writer came to California. Two are 
dated at Loreto Conch6, one Nov. 21 (or 27th), 1698, to Ugarte, the other April 
21, 1702, to Nicolas de Aroca secretary of the provincial. All are routine 
communications of no value except as relics of so famous a man, who was also 
perhaps the worst penman of his order. Salvatierra's letters cited in this note 
constitute by far the best authority extant on my present subject. Their 
superiority over the authorities cited in note 5 of this chapter is apparent. 
They correct many errors of Venegas and his followers, though chiefly in 
matters of detail too minute to find place in my work. 

10 Venegas, ii. 39, says the. church was of stone and clay with thatched 
roof. While the work was going on the men occupied the old triangular bar- 
ricad hened on the outside by thorny bushes. Salvatierra, Rt lactones, 

18. Venegas says the new fort was merely an enlargement of the old; but 
the subsequent destruction of the latter not mentioned by him shows this to 
be an error. 


swivel-guns, and were much less dangerous to the 
gunners. The natives worked well on the structures 
without an idea of their intended use; but one cold 
night after their departure the Spaniards by vigorous 
efforts destroyed the old works, transferred all their 
effects, and much to the astonishment of the Indians, 
were found next morning in secure possession of their 
impregnable fortress. Christmas eve Father Piccolo 
consecrated the new church, and next day after six 
masses all indulged in a general merry-making. 17 

The 1st of January 1698 the lancha was sent across to 
Yaqui. This lessened the force, and some of the natives 
became unruly, but were not bold enough to revolt 
openly with the terrible bellows threatening from the 
rampart; and when on the 10th the boat returned to 
take a fresh start, having been driven some fifteen 
leagues up the coast to a little bay among hostile tribes, 
the Indians believed the crew had been called back in 
some mysterious way, and became correspondingly 
respectful. Every precaution was taken, however. 
Piccolo taught the children in the church ; Salvatierra 
instructed adults in a hut outside, covered by one of 
the guns; while the dusky students might have noted 
that Captain Tortolero and a soldier, fully armed, 
attended the services with exemplary regularity. The 
lancha was seen again the 6th of February in a furious 
gale that for two days prevented her anchoring; but 
the trip had been successful, and she brought besides 
provisions a reenforcement of six volunteers — one of 
them an Englishman — for the garrison. 13 

Thus strengthened the pilgrims were confident they 
could repulse all the savage foes the devil could send 
against them. For every page of the record shows a 

17 Letter of July 3, 1698, in Salvatierra, Eel, 17-24. Dec. 25, Salvatierra 
wrote to Bishop Legaspi a resume of all that had occurred. hi, J. "3-17. 

18 The new-comers were: Alf erez Isidro Figueroa, from Seville; Antonio de 
Mendoza, a Castilian from Ivioja; Jos^Murguia, from Vizeaya; Juan de Arce, 
an Englishman brought up in Mexico; Francisco de Quiroga, a mestizo; and 
Marcos, a Yaqui Indian; all experienced soldiers. Salvatierra, lldacioues, 29. 


belief that the powers of hell were arrayed on the side 
of the heathen. The story as told by Salvatierra and 
the rest sounds like a christianized echo from the 
Iliad. The most trifling incidents of daily life were 
attributed to the direct influence of one or the other . 
of the supernatural powers. If an Indian pilfered a 
handful of maize, Satan held open the mouth of the 
sack. If an arrow narrowly missed a padre, it was 
the hand of Our Lady that turned it aside. 

Still the natives acted more and more suspiciously, 
gathering in large numbers near the fort, and holding 
secret meetings, the meaning of which could not at 
first be learned. But when the lancha had started 
March 1st on another trip to the main, they became 
less careful and the secret leaked out. The native 
sorcerers, or medicine-men, were at the bottom of the 
trouble. The new faith was weakening their influence, 
and they were in danger of being regarded as ordinary 
men. Something must be done, and quickly, if their 
prestige was to be retained, so thought these wise 
men of California, and forthwith they banded together 
and used all their influence and eloquence to stir up 
the people against the invaders. Where were their 
countrymen whom Otondo had carried away? they 
asked significantly, reminding their hearers also that 
those who had been friendly to Otondo had been 
roughly treated after his departure, thus warning the 
timid of what might be expected when the padres 
should be driven away, as they soon would be. These 
arguments had their effect; attendance at prayers and 
lessons grew smaller; and on Palm Sunday only two 
of the people who were to represent the twelve apostles 
at table could be found. These two, however, enjoyed 
the meal so much that Salvatierra thought there 
would be no lack of apostles the next year. No actual 
hostilities occurred until after the boat returned with 
a small supply of provisions the 21st of March. 

The 2d of April, while the Spaniards were engaged 
in religious exercises of caster, a mob of Indians broke 

A NEW SHIP. 293 

in pieces the lancha's boat drawn upon the beach. 
The hot-headed Tortolero, California's Miles Standish, 
at once sallied forth, drove away a body of natives 
who made a show of resistance, and sent half his men 
in pursuit by a by-path under Figueroa, while he fol- 
lowed the beach. Figueroa fell into an ambush, but 
Tortolero came up, and a fierce struggle ensued. The 
natives were defeated with several killed and many 
wounded, learning the much needed lesson that the 
Spaniards, only two of whom were slightly injured, 
could fight without the protection of their fort and 
cannon. There were no more hostilities for several 
months. The first Christian Indian had been buried 
in March, and, says Salvatierra, "we now felt repaid 
for all our hardships, for the cemetery was no longer 
without a tenant." 

The lancha having gone in quest of supplies, the 
natives being for the most part absent in the mourn 
tains engaged in the festivities of the pitahaya season, 
eleven days after provisions had been reduced to 
three sacks of bad flour and three other of wormy 
maize, in answer to redoubled prayers a vessel arrived 
the 19th of June. It was the ship San Jose, a new 
cedar craft worth 14,000 pesos, which, less a debt of 
826 pesos, was a gift from Caballero y Osio. She 
was commanded by Manuel Gadaro, bringing a large 
supply of necessaries collected by Ugarte, and a rein- 
forcement of seven more volunteers. To aid in mak- 
ing up the deficiency Salvatierra imposed on the sol- 
diers a light fine for each oath uttered. Let us hope 
that those brave fellows did not allow their young 
colony long to feel the burden of debt. 19 In August 
the mission navy was still further increased by the 
San Fermin and a new lancha called the San Javier, 

19 About the vessel, as for all events since Nov. 1697, I have followed Sal- 
vatierra's letter of July 3, 1098, to Ugarte. Salvatierra, Relaciones, 17-50. 
The letter was probably sent across in the ship, which was about to go after 
horses for the mission. The padre's letters of October to Ugarte arc not 
extant, so that in the original authorities there is a gap from July to October. 
Venegas, ii. 47-8, and Olavigero, 198-201, say nothing about the San J one 
being a gift. 


both sent from Acapulco by Sierpe. The former was 
sent about the middle of October to the main; and 
the San Jose, which had turned out very leaky and 
unseaworthy, was careened for repairs. It would 
seem that Sierpe sent another cargo of supplies by 
a galliot, which sailed on her return on October 21st, 
carrying also some soldiers who went to bring their 
families. 20 

Soon the San Jose went to Coronados Island, near 
by, where the crew, under pretence of putting the 
ship in order, engaged in the pearl-fishery with the 
aid of Indians. The padres heard of it and were 
filled with dismay. They regarded pearl-fishing as 
the most dangerous of all evils threatening the mis- 
sion work. Unscrupulous adventurers had created 
among the natives a distrust which it had required 
long efforts to partially remove. Moreover there 
was great danger that all the soldiers and sailors of 
Loreto might become uncontrollable through avarice. 
In their trouble the padres appealed to the holy 
patroness, and that very night the only three real 
pearls in the necklace of Our Lady's image dropped 
to the ground, showing that the country under her 
protection needed no pearls for its prosperity. 21 

The 1st of November Father Salvatierra with Cap- 
tain Tortolero and six soldiers, all mounted,' 22 and 
twelve Indians on foot, set out on their first explora- 
tion beyond the immediate vicinity of the mission. It 
was directed towards the north some ten leagues to 
the Canada de Londo, or San Isidro, where Otondo 
was supposed to have been, though no traces of his 

2,1 1! (lactones, 51. The repairs of the S. Jose cost 6,000 pesos according to 
is, Clavigero, and Alegre; and after all the ship lost her cargo on the 
ip, and was stranded at Acapulco in the second, being sold for $-300. 
:i Relaciones, 52-3. 

22 There is no definite record of the coming of the horses, though it would 

probably appear in the missing letter to Ugarte. In July 12 horses had been 

and the ship was about to be sent for them. Salvatierra, lielaciones, 

4\). They probably came in July or August. Eight more horses and 10 cows 

brought by the San Fermin just after Salvatierra's return from this 

dition. RL } 57. 


visit were found. The Indians of a rancheria in that 
region had expressed a desire to see the padre, but 
the place was deserted. On the return a letter in the 
Monqui language was sent to Piccolo, the first mail 
service in the country and a most wonderful thing to 
the natives. The journey was completed in eight 
days without accident or noteworthy adventure. 23 

Soon there arrived the San Fermin with horses, 
cows, and other aid from friends in Sinaloa. One of 
the cows at once distinguished herself by wandering 
off and discovering a new spring of water four leagues 
south of the mission. At the end of November the 
two vessels went to Carmen Island for salt, the San 
Jose to continue her voyage to New Spain. 24 Decem- 
ber was marked by the fiestas of the Immaculate 
Conception, San Francisco Javier's day, and Christ- 
mas, celebrated with all possible pomp. During the 
festivities a chino sailor saw fit to start with his hat 
full of powder for one of the lanchas, and had his 
face terribly mangled by an explosion; but a holy 
relic of San Javier applied by Father Piccolo effected 
a speedy cure. 25 In the last days of the year Piccolo 
and Tortolero, with eight mounted soldiers, made an 
expedition southward ten or twelve leagues to the 
rancheria of Chuenqui, near Danzantes Bay. They 
were well received, baptizing some children. 26 There 
came also from Londo an appeal for baptism and a 

Feeling themselves securely established at Loreto 
the Jesuits now began to think of extending their 
influence by founding new settlements, their horses 

23 Sal vatierra's letter of April 1, 1G98. ReJaaoves, 53-7, with full details. 
Bahuh, 4 leagues, Nienchu, Piedra Molar, and Cuesta de Juan do Aire are 
the names given between Loreto and Londo. Vcnegas, ii. 4S-9, Clavigero, 
201-2, and Alegre, iii. 113-14, represent this expedition to have been early 
in 1699, but of course Salvatierra is the best authority. 

21 The autograph letter in my collection, of Nov. 27th. Salvatierra , Escritos, 
Autog., ISIS., was doubtless sent to Ugarte at this time. 

20 Relaciones, 58. The chino was probably not a Chinaman, though he 
had a narrow escape from being a celestial. 

20 Ilelaclones, 50-61. Vhonci was an intermediate rancheria. 


and their approved knowledge of the native dialects 
rendering their tours of exploration much less labori- 
ous than before. It was a very wet season, unfavor- 
able for travelling in January and February of 1699; 
but in March, after one or two unsuccessful attempts 
by the vessel, Salvatierra with his party went again 
by land to Londo, and to San Bruno a few leagues 
farther on the coast. He was kindly received by the 
natives, of the Cochimi tribe, baptizing many chil- 
dren, but having some trouble in making peace between 
hostile rancherias. At Loreto it was a prosperous 
season, the natives becoming more aDd more submis- 
sive to missionary rule, so much so that flogging was 
now resorted to as a penalty for minor offences. With 
the rains the grass sprang up; the cattle fattened;- 
the number of converts rapidly increased; the soldiers 
gave no cause for complaint; and all was prosperity. 
Such was the purport of the correspondence sent by 
the lancha at the beginning of April. 27 

It was customary to send a few Indians to the 
mainland at each trip of the transports, whenever 
any could be induced to go, that they might see how 
their brethren de la otra banda were living in mission 
communities, planting corn, and submitting to the 
padres' gentle but firm rule. Now it chanced that 
the people of an interior rancheria of the western 
mountains heard these things from one of the native 
Sindbads who had visited Sinaloa; and they sent 
word that they w r ould like to raise crops in their fer- 
tile vales. Accordingly in May Piccolo started with 
his captain and mounted guard to make explorations. 
The way soon became so rough that they had to leave 
the horses. The difficulties of the later march were 
much increased by the curious error of inquiring 
always for Vigge, which they understood to be the 
name of the rancheria, but which really meant 'high- 

27 Letter to Ugarte, April 1st. Salvatierra, Relatione*, 50-74. The writer 
is always prolix, and the letter is full of trivial occurrences for which of course 
I have no S] 


lands/ so that they were guided to the top of the 
highest peaks. But finally they reached a fine large 
Canada named San Francisco Javier Vigge de Biaundo, 
where they remained four days, erecting a cross and 
baptizing children. 

After his return Captain Luis Tortolero y Torres 
was forced by an affection of the eyes to resign the 
command, much to the sorrow of all, especially of the 
missionaries, as he had proved himself a notable 
champion of the cause. He started a little later for 
Guadalajara with a letter of recommendation for the 
audiencia. Adjutant Antonio Garcia de Mendoza, 
an old soldier from Fuenterabia, who had served in 
San Luis Potosi, was made captain in Tortolero's 

On May 23d, with Captain Mendoza and nine men, 
Salvatierra started again for Londo. A band of 
Monquis went with him, hoping through his influence 
to make peace with the Cochimis, and get permission 
to gather pitahayas in their country. Many natives 
were found assembled at what was now called San 
Juan de Londo. Much was accomplished, and the 
party returned to Loreto before the end of May. 

Then Piccolo set out early in June with a large 
force of Indians to open a road for horses to San Ja- 
vier, where it was intended to plant a new mission. 
By the 12th the horses were ridden triumphantly into 
the valley and turned out to graze on richer pastures 
than they had ever known in California. Soon after 
their arrival, Captain Mendoza and a few soldiers 
climbed a lofty height, and were rewarded for their 
toil by a magnificent view, which included both gulf 
and ocean coasts, this being the first discovery of the 
Pacific from the interior. A great bay was also seen, 
perhaps that of Magdalena. So elated were the dis- 
coverers that they fired a salvo with their arquebuses, 
which caused some alarm at the camp below, but 
Piccolo joined in the rejoicing when he knew its 
cause. They returned to Loreto on the 14th. 


At the end of June the whole force set to work to 
clear a space for a new church some hundred paces 
from the fort. 28 Provisions had again run low, and 
it had been proposed on that account to postpone 
work on the church, but Piccolo's zealous exhorta- 
tions overcame this resolution; and this devotion was 
rewarded by one of those singular coincidences or 
"special dispensations" so often recorded in the annals 
of missionary work. On the very day that work on 
the church began, the Santa Elvira arrived from the 
mainland with a large stock of supplies; and about 
the same time the San Fermin also brought six more 
volunteers for the garrison, which with this addition 
numbered thirty soldiers. The missionaries take pride 
in noting that volunteers for California are abundant, 
while other districts had difficulty in obtaining sol- 
diers. 29 

The Indians were controlled by a two-fold policy, as 
ingenious as it was generally efficient. Force and 
severity, as represented by the captain and his men- 
at-arms, were combined with persuasion and kindness 
as practised by the padres. While the church was 
being built, some natives w T ere induced by their priests 
to withdraw to the mountains for the performance of 
certain pagan rites. Their chief priest was arrested, 
bound, and sentenced by the captain to be flogged to 
death. After some blows the padres, by a precon- 
certed plan, appeared, and in presence of the crowd 
begged that the wizard's life might be spared, which 
request was of course granted. In this particular 

28 Vcnegas, ii. 53-4, "\vlio also mentions a chapel in the camp begun at the 
same time and consecrated in 1700, the church being completed in 1704. 
Salvatierra docs not speak of the chapel; but in May 1701 he writes of tho 
i ^ Lrgin'a '< lasa de adobes, blanqueada y adornada con cuadros, etc., que parece 
mi paraiso, y sc halla menos de tiro de arcabuz del presidio.' Relaciones, 103. 

28 By tho return of the vessel was sent the letter of July 9th, to UgarH, 
which narrates happenings since April. Salvatu vra, Relaciones, 74-93. T'ie 
same ground is covered by Vevegas, ii. 48-55; Clarigero, 202-4; and Aleg^e, 
iii. 1 13-15. By the same vessel was sent a memorandum of supplies needed 
from Nueva < ialicia, of which I have the original in Papeks de Jesuitas, Tsl Cn, 
no. '27. 


instance, however, the stratagem did not succeed as in 
many others. The sorcerer's friends, incensed at the 
indignity of flogging their leader, made many threats; 
and it was not until Captain Mendoza had exhibited 
the head of one of them on a stake as a warning that 
their anger was cooled. 30 

Salvatierra made another vaguely recorded trip to 
Londo; the lancha brought on September 7th an image 
of Our Lady, which next day was carried in procession 
to the new church, and in October Piccolo went with 
his escolta to found a new mission at San Javier. Dur- 
ing his absence the galliot sailed with the ex-captain 
on board. 31 A few days later, at the end of the month, 
Salvatierra went over to Biaundo to assist at the 
consecration of the church of San Javier, where he 
was received with ceremonious demonstration, includ- 
ing athletic sports by the inland natives. The conse- 
cration, or founding of San Javier, was apparently on 
the 1st of November, though we have no original 
narrative of details. 32 While Piccolo had been en^a^ed 
in preparing buildings for the new mission, Mendoza 
had made an exploration to the shore of the Pacific 
south-westward from Biaundo. He was disappointed 
in his chief object, that of finding a safe harbor for 
the galleon; but found a large rancheria of friendly 
natives, which was named Santa Rosalia. Piccolo did 
not yet remain permanently at his new establishment ; 
but returned and accompanied Salvatierra on a tour 
to Londo, returning by a new way along the base of 
the great Sierra Giganta, as the main range of the 
peninsula was called. Besides much success in mak- 
ing friends and converts in the north, the fathers suc- 

30 California, E*tab. y Prog., 93-5. There is no narrative letter of Salva- 
tierra, only two brief extracts to the fiscal Miranda, of events from July to 
November. A report for this period was sent to the provincial, but is not 

31 Salvatierra, llelaaones, 97-8, 103. Letter to Miranda of Oct. 2Gth, dur- 
ing Piccolo's absence: ' para la contra costa a plantar en clla la santa cruz, y 
puede ser topen algun puertO para el abrigo de la nao de China.' 

32 It was described in the letter to the provincial of Nov. according to a 
later letter. Relaciones, 100. The reception is described in California, Esiab. 
y Prcg., 98. Venegas, ii. 5G, gives the date Nov. 1st. 


ceeded in making a peace between the Edue-s and 
Cochimis by a treaty which was ratified at Loreto in 
connection with Christmas festivities. Thus in pros- 
perity ended the year 1699. 

The last year of the century and the third of mis- 
sion annals was to bring many troubles to the Jesuit 
pioneers. The first blow was the loss of the San Fer- 
mi n, which was grounded at the Sonora port of Ahome 
in the spring of 1700. The crew and some cattle were 
saved. This misfortune Was so serious that Salva- 
tierra thought it best to cross over to the main in per- 
son. He sailed in the San Javier, taking with him 
five Californians. There had lately been some trouble 
because of the murder of a native by a Sonora Indian 
named Marcos; and it was thought that by closer 
acquaintance with the mainland tribes the quarrel 
might be healed. The arrival of the missionary and 
his companions created quite a sensation in the Sonora 
missions, where the party were feted to their hearts' 
content, and extended their travels to Salvatierra's 
old mission-field of Chinipas. It does not appear that 
anything was effected toward repairing the loss of the 
wrecked vessel; but the lancha was repaired and filled 
with supplies at Yaqui, and the Californian pilgrims 
sailed for home on June 19th, arriving at Loreto two 
days later. 33 The reports of the returning natives had 
a good effect; but Marcos continued to make trouble, 
and it was not until he had been shot that quiet was 
entirely restored. During Salvatierra's absence Pic- 
colo had employed himself in visiting new rancherias 
in the region of San Javier, and in establishing ami- 
cable relations with his neighbors; and the good, work 
went on after the superior's return. 

In September the San Jose arrived with a much 
needed cargo of supplies; but she brought also the 
unwelcome news of the death of Sierpe at Acapulco. 

:;; Letter of May 1701 to the provincial. Salvatierra. Jlelaciones, 110-15. 
No dates for 1700 arc given before June 19th. 


In October Salvatierra went up to Londo and made 
explorations in the Cerros de San Jose de la Giganta 
farther west, saying mass in a fine Canada named Las 
Animas, and reaching Piccolo's mission by a new way 
through the mountains. There was never a time 
when there was not an impending scarcity of food, 
and the San Jose was soon despatched to the main for 

Salvatierra had in 1698-9 addressed more than one 
communication to the viceroy, reporting progress, 
soliciting protection, and intimating that the growth 
of the missions would soon call for government aid. 
But the viceroy had other urgent demands upon his 
attention and funds, and he merely forwarded the 
papers to the court at Madrid. There they seem to 
have excited a degree of interest and sympathy for 
the far-off province; but beyond the offer of 1,000 
pesos per year for the mission expenses, an offer re- 
jected by Ugarte as totally inadequate, nothing was 
done and weightier matters soon drowned all thought 
of California. In 1700 Salvatierra renewed his en- 
treaties. In March he sent a memorial signed by 
both padres and thirty-five others; and while in Sina- 
loa he prepared another. Pointing out how foolish it 
would be for Spain to lose the province after so much 
had been clone, he asked that the soldiers should be 
paid by government here as elsewhere. True it had 
been stipulated that the Jesuits were to occupy the 
country at their own expense, and they had done so; 
but could not be expected to hold it permanently on 
such terms. Dwelling on the loss of the San Fermin 
and the ruinous condition of the San Jose, he asked 
for the gift of a vessel; but he announced the un- 
changeable determination of himself and Piccolo to 
remain on the ground even without a boat or a sol- 

These appeals met with no response in Mexico or 
Spain. Besides the ordinary reasons for apathy in 


responding to such demands, reasons growing out of 
the constant drains on the treasury for old-world ex- 
penses and New World conquests, there was a growing 
animosity against the Jesuits. The general grounds 
of this feeling, destined to culminate in the expulsion 
of the society from all Spanish dominions, do not con- 
cern us here. There were, however, some special 
phases of the general distrust that affected California. 
Among the adventurers who had sought licenses with 
government aid to occupy the country with a view 
mainly to the pearls of the gulf, there was much 
jealousy on account of Salvatierra's success both in 
occupying the province and in obtaining liberal con- 
tributions from benefactors.. Naturally it was rep- 
resented by these men, and there was a constantly 
growing number willing to take that view of the mat- 
ter, that the Jesuits had found some rich treasure; 
that but for the pearl-beds they would never have 
left comfortable positions in New Spain for a misera- 
ble existence on the arid peninsula. There was a 
general outcry when it became known that they were 
extending their palms toward the royal treasury. 

As if the cause had not foes enough abroad, a for- 
midable one now appeared at home in the person of 
Captain Mendoza. This man, put in command by 
Salvatierra himself, though a brave soldier and com- 
petent officer, chafed under the restraints imposed 
upon him by the padres. His hot temper could ill 
brook the treachery and pusillanimity of the natives, 
and after the manner of his class he would have dealt 
with them more summarily than Salvatierra permitted. 
The prohibition of pearl-fishing was another griev- 
ance in the eyes of this worldly-minded trooper, and 
in this he had the sympathy and support of his men. 
They thought themselves entitled to profit by the 
resources of the country they defended, more especi- 
ally as they got but little pay from any other source. 
Accordingly the discontented captain wrote several 
doleful letters to his friends and to the viceroy. In 


one of the letters, elated October 1700 he discreetly 
took higher ground than the question of pay or author- 
ity, and praised the zeal of the fathers, while con- 
demning their schemes as costly and impracticable. 
Yet his spite overcame his diplomacy when lie sug- 
gested that the padres should be punished for their 
presumptuous demands; and like a petulant school-boy 
that he himself should be cast into a dungeon as a 
warning to others not to be deluded into such a ser- 

These reports, coming from one who had been an 
eye-witness of all that had occurred in California, made 
an impression even on the benefactors of the missions, 
whose alms became noticeably smaller in consequence. 
Salvatierra, with characteristic promptitude, resolved 
to get rid of the worst of the malecontents, even at 
the risk of leaving the country without defenders; and 
accordingly eighteen soldiers were discharged, reduc- 
ing the garrison to twelve men. 34 

In the autumn of 1700 the San Jose returning from 
Yaqui with a cargo of supplies brought also important 
orders from Provincial Arteaga. The Sinaloa anchor- 
ages had proved very unsafe for the California service; 
a good port — that of Guaymas — had been found some 
fourteen leagues above the Yaqui; and it had been 
decided to put the Guaymas and other tribes near 
the port in charge of the Californian missionaries. 
Salvatierra was therefore instructed to go in person 
to make a preliminary examination with a view to 
the subsequent foundation of a mission. It was a 
somewhat critical time for the padre to be absent; 
but there was consolation in the thought that he 

34 On the troubles of 1700 see Venegas, Noticia, ii. 56-73. A letter is 
quoted in which Salvatierra, announcing the, discharge of the IS men, says he 
awaits only the receipt of news from Mexico to discharge the rest. Then 
'we will think of paying debts; and if before that is done our Californian 
children send us to report to God, for lack of a military guard, there remains 
the Senora Lauretana who doubtless will pay.' It must be understood, how- 
ever, that letters of this tone were written largely for effect. The Jesuits 
had no idea of failure yet. See also Bustamante, Deftusa L'omj>. Jesus, 10. 


might obtain some succor from friends during his visit, 
and he sailed on the San Jose for Yaqui. 35 That 
unlucky craft could not enter the port in an unfavor- 
able wind; nor by reason of her rotten cables wait 
outside for a change, so they put back to Loreto. 
The San Javier had just arrived, reporting that on 
the beach at Ahome were many useful fragments of 
the wrecked San Fermin; and accordingly the desti- 
nation was changed to Ahome at the mouth of what 
is now the Rio del Fuerte. Salvatierra's plan was to 
proceed northward by land, seeking alms by the way ; 
and in January 1701 he started from Ahome. 36 I 
have had access to the original mission registers of 
Loreto and of several other missions, from which a 
few items will be taken from time to time. The only 
record down to the end of 1700 is to the effect that 
there had been thirty-five deaths, a few being of gente 
de razon. 37 

3:> At the end of October according to Venegas; but I think it may have 
been later. 

36 Salvatierra, Relaciones, 124-5, letter to Arteaga of May 1701. Venegas, 
Noticia, ii. 74-5, represents Salvatierra's motive to have been the obtaining 
of aid, without mentioning the provincial's order respecting the annexation and 
exploration of Guaymas. In addition to the authorities already mentioned I 
may cite Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 27 Die, 1793, sobre el Estado actual de las 
Misiones d< la Nueva Espafia, MS., as containing some general information on 
the missions during the Jesuit period, though mainly devoted to later times. 

37 Loreto, Libros de Mision, 1700-69, MS. These fragmentary records, 
containing the autograph entries of Salvatierra, Piccolo, Ugarte, and many 
later missionaries, are in the possession of Colonel 0. Livermore of San Fran- 
cisco, who has kindly allowed me to examine them. 



Government — List of Rulers— See of Guadiana — Bishops — Geographi- 
cal Lines and Districts — Progress in the South-east — Superstition, 
Famine, and Righteousness at Parras — Acaxee Missions of Topia— 
Revolt — The Sabaibo Bishop— Conversion and Revolt of the Xixi- 
mes — Governor's Campaigns — The Tepehuane District — Revolt of 
1616-17— Massacre of Ten Missionaries and Two Hundred Span- 
iards — Peace Restored — Humes and Hinas — Virgen del Hachazo — 
Chihuahua Districts — Jesuit Beginnings in Tarahumara Baja — 
Franciscan Establishments — Report of 1622 — Concho Mission — 
Parral Founded — Coahuila. 

In the seventeenth century the kingdom of Nueva 
Vizcaya, for hke its southern neighbor it was com- 
monly termed a reino, included the territory consti- 
tuting the modern states of Durango, Chihuahua, 
Sinaloa, Sonora, and the southern parts of what is 
now Coahuila. 1 For reasons already explained, how- 
ever, I have presented separately the annals of the 
coast provinces, nominally subject en lo 'politico to the 
governor at Durango; and I now have to record in 
this chapter and the next the history of Nueva Vis- 
caya proper, substantially Durango and Chihuahua, 
from 1G00 to 1700. 2 

The governor of Nueva Vizcaya, residing for mere 
than half the century at Durango, regarded as capital 

1 Not until 1785 was the Parras and Saltillo region attached to Coahuila 
proper as a separate province. 

2 See chap. v. of this volume for 16th century annals of the country, and as 
an introduction to what follows. My space does not permit much repetition, 
and the territorial peculiarities of my subject in this volume especially do 
not allow a continuous chronological connection from chapter to chapter. 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 20 1 105 ) 


from the first and made a ciudad in 1621, with a sal- 
ary of two thousand pesos, was appointed by the 
king, holding also by royal appointment the rank of 
captain-general. So far as can be ascertained from 
the records, the rulers down to 1G40, the period cov- 
ered by this chapter, were as follows: 1600, Jaime 
Herracles de Arriaga; 1601-2, Rodrigo de Vivero; 
1602-11, Francisco Urdinola; 1615-18, Gaspar de 
Alvear y Salazar; 1630, Hipolito de Velasco; 1631-3, 
Gonzalo Gomez de Cervantes; to 1639, Luis de Mon- 
salve; from 1639, Luis Valdes. 3 These men are for 
the most part merely named incidentally as holding 
the position; and of their life, character, services, and 
troubles nothing further is known except a brief men- 
tion of official acts in the case of some in connection 
with mission annals. The somewhat complicated 
relations of provincial rulers to crown, viceroy, and 
audiencia have been sufficiently explained elsewhere. 4 
In the exercise of political power the governor was 
responsible to the king alone, and he appointed alcaldes 
mayores and other civil officials; in some phases of 
his military power and in matters pertaining to the 
exchequer he was subordinate to the viceroy, there 
being at Durango a branch of the caja real, or treas- 
ury, under royal officers; and the audiencia of Guada- 
lajara, holding judicial jurisdiction over all the north, 
had cognizance of official misconduct on the part of 
the governor, and might appoint a temporary governor, 
se appointment ad interim came from the vice- 
roy. 5 In all its minor and local details the govcrn- 

B Aler/re, i. 418; ii. 184-5, 220; Torquemada, i. 601; Aposi. Afanes, 31; 
Ribas, Hist. Trium\ hos, 554; Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. JJoc, ix. 244-5; 
de Esped., 673; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 28G; Ddv'da, Continuation, 
MS., 224; 6r -denes de la Corona, MS., ii. 180. 
., iii. this series. 

d< nt of viceroy in political and military matters, but 

mes di los Virreyes, 276; Mancera, Instruc, 1G73, 

in matters of Mar and exchequer. Calle, 
i Kut belonged 'en lo politico y de jnsticia' to the 
blip. N. GW., 400-1, 313. Viceroy given <■ Iters 
aior, Svmarios, 248. 
order in favor of native laborers. Venetian, Not. 


ment was identical with that of Nueva Galicia. The 
most notable difference lay in the fact that Nueva 
Vizcaya was still for the most part a tierra de guerra ; 
the military took precedence of the civil; comandantes 
of presidios were more powerful than alcaldes or cor- 
regidores; mission establishments requiring an annual 
outlay in stipends filled the place of the southern 
towns paying tribute and tithes. Both civil and politi- 
cal government were confined chiefly to large towns, 
presidio garrisons, and mining camps. 

In 1G20 the bishopric of Guadalajara was divided, 
and the northern region, including all of Nueva Viz- 
caya in its broadest limits, was formed by a bull of 
Paul V., dated October 11th, into a new bishopric of 
Guadiana, 6 under the patronage of Saint Matthew, 
receiving as its share in the apportionment of tithes 
16,000 pesos. 7 Fray Gonzalo de Hermosillo, a native 

Col., ii. C9-90. The governor objected when Ribas asked for padres in 
Mexico. Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 303-5, June 18, 1024, governor ordered to 
obey orders of the viceroy as the representative of the king. Montemaior, 
Sum., 104. Audiencia of Mexico severely reprimanded by the king for its 
course in late troubles between Gov. Monsalve and an oidor of Guadalajara. 
(Jrdencs de la Corona, MS., ii. 189. Dec. 23, 1637, c6dula ordering governors 
to reside at Durango, and not at the Parral mines or elsewhere. Recop. de Lid. , 
ii. 123. Temporary governor appointed by viceroy. Calle, Mem. Not., 165. 
List of 20 olliccs filled by the governor at a salary of 250 pesos; lieutenant- 
governor; alcaldes may ores of Saltillo, Laguna y Parras, Gunaval, mines of 
S. Antonio do CuencamC, S. Juan del Rio, mines of Coreto, mines of Mapimi, 
mines of Chindea, Sta Barbara, mines of Guanacivi, mines of Topia, mines 
of San Andres, mines of Panuco, San Bartolome, and San Francisco de Mez- 
quital; besides those in Sinaloa named elsewhere. Id., 100-1. Nombre de 
Dios in 16C8 had not yet been finally adjudged to either N. Galicia or N. 
Vizcaya. It had an alcalde mayor appointed by the viceroy; besides alguacil, 
alferez, and notary, offices sold for 1,000, 1,400, and 8,000 pesos respectively; 
the alferez having besides a salary of 15,000 maravedis; arel also two alcaldes 
electing their successors annually. Nombre de Dios, Descrip., 218-42. 

6 See authorities in notes 7, 8. Calle, Mem. Not., 91, gives the elate 1619, 
and p. 95 says the first bishop was chosen Jan. 27, 1020. Ale: re, ii. 124, 139, 
269, dates the bull June 14, 1620. By decree of Gregory XV. , March 14, 1621, 
according to Villa Senor, Theatro, ii. 339; N. Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 15-16; Escu- 
dero, Act. Dur., 22. Frejes, Hist. Breve, 272. makes the date 1631. 

7 Mota-Padilla, Cong. N. Gal, 279-80. This author calls the diocese 
N. Vizcaya, and gives the boundaries, the Rio de las Canas being that on 
the coast. r i he see was sufiragan of Mexico, and of immense extent. Beau- 
mont, Crdr. I ich., v. Revenue of see in 1646, 5,000 pesos. The dean got 
1,200 pesos; the arcediano and chantre, 1,000; and two canonigos, 300. In 
1645 the king allowed one candnigo to be made doctoral. bishop was 

allowed to ui e 3,0C0 pesos from the noveno surplus on the church building, 
Calle, A 1 1. : ! "'. In< ome cf 1 i 
prebendaries. Lscudero, Act. Dur., 24-C. Six thousand pesos in tithes in I 


of Mexico, professor of theology in the university, and 
a member of the Augustinian order, was made the first 
bishop. His appointment was confirmed by the pope 
on October 12, 1620; he took possession of the see by 
proxy a year and ten days later, and in person on Sep- 
tember 1, 1623; and ruled to the satisfaction of all 
concerned until 1631, when he died in Sinaloa on Janu- 
ary 28th while engaged in a tour of confirmation. 
His body was buried at San Felipe, but in 1668 was 
transferred to the cathedral at Durango. His suc- 
cessor was Don Alonso Franco y Luna, a native of 
Madrid, university professor at Alcala, and curate. 
He was appointed by Felipe IV. December 3, 1631; 
approved by the pope June 6, 1632; consecrated in 
October of the same year, and took possession by 
proxy November 9, 1633. Bishop Franco travelled 
extensively in his diocese ; spent large sums on different 
churches; obtained a royal limosna for his cathedral; 
and was transferred to Peru in 1639. He left Du- 
rango in 1640, but died the same year before receiving 
the bull confirming his new office. The third bishop 
was Francisco Diego de Evia y Valdes, a native of 
Oviedo in Spain, educated at Salamanca, and friar of 
the order of San Benito. His appointment of May 
17, 1639, was confirmed the 1st of August; he took 
possession in January 1640; and in April he started 
out on his first episcopal tour of inspection and confir- 
mation. All the bishops are eulogized; but it is im- 
possible to form any clear idea of their respective 
characteristics. In episcopal as in political govern- 
ment there seem to have been no troubles or contro- 
versies in these years. 8 

In the missionary record now to be presented it 
must be noted that only in a general sense can the 

A rlegui, 108. Curacy of Xombrc de Dios in 1608 obtained COO or 700 pesos 
for novenos. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ix. 240. In 1GS7 all the 
1 reb< ndaries died. Igleslas y Conventos, Relation, 317. 

. the bishopric of Guadiana and its bishops, see ConciUoH Prov., 1555- 
C.~>, 368 ctseq.; Antra Espafia, Breve llcmmen, MS., ii. 322-47; JRamirez, 


Sierra Madre be used as a boundary, since the south- 
western section of Chihuahua is west of the main 
range, being in early as well as in later times a part 
of the western province ; while the Topia province of 
Durango extended almost to the coast so as to include 
a large part of the modern Sinaloa. The mission 
groups were formed without reference to geographical 
lines, according to the homes ctf the converts, by 
friars who came indifferently from the east or west. 
The division is made for present convenience, and in 
view of later developments; but geographical diffi- 
culties would not be lessened, either by treating the 
whole territory together or by any attempt to draw 
the lines more definitely. There is necessarily great 
confusion in the location of the mission pueblos 
throughout the country, and especially in the moun- 
tain districts, resulting from the imperfection of the 
old and modern maps, as well as from the frequent 
changes that have taken place both in sites and 
names. Of course no pains will be spared to reduce 
this confusion to a minimum. The annexed map from 
Orozco y Berra's Carta Etnogrdjica will give an idea 
of the linguistic subdivisions of the territory; and 
my own sketch maps of this and the following chap- 
ters show the location of the principal missions and 
towns. The southern part of the territory may be 
conveniently divided into three districts: that of the 
Tcpehuanes, embracing a large part of the modern 
Durango, especially the central and northern portions; 
that of Topia, home of the Acaxees, Xiximes, and 
kindred tribes, a mountainous region in western Du- 
rango extending westward to near the coast, and 
northward almost to the Rio de Sinaloa; 9 and finally 

Hist. Bur., 21-4; Id., in Soc. Mex. Geog., v. 31 etseq.; Catte, Mem. Not., 
95-C; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 73; Gonzalez Ddvila,Teatro,i.24:S-5Q, ii. 92; 
Michoacan, Hist. Prov. San Nic, 184; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 530-1; 
Ddvila, Continuation, MS., 229; Alegre, ii. 176; Medina, Citron. S. Diego, 
240; Morelli, FastiNov. Orb., 305; CorUsdeEsp.,Diario, 1812, xii. 348; Santos, 
Citron. Hisp., ii. 405; Viagero Univ., xxvii. 121-2; Crcspo, Mem., Ajust., 0-7; 
Tanvaron, Visita, MS., 3-7; Dice. Univ., iii. 345; ix. 357. 

<J The Mocorito, or Evora, was tlie bound between Topia and Sinaloa. 
Alegre, i. 231. 



Onozco y Berea's Map. 


the eastern lake province about Parras, to which the 
name Mision de Parras was usually applied. 10 

Before 1G00 we have noted the foundation of 
Nombre de Dios, Durango, Parras, Saltillo, and 
other towns; the conquest of Topia; the exploration 
by various military expeditions of the country far 
into the present Chihuahua; the march through the 
territory of several armies en route for New Mexico ; 
and the opening of rich mines, notably those of Inde, 
Avino, Panuco, San Andres, and Santa Barbara, the 
latter being the northern limit of actual settlement. 
We have seen the Franciscans, besides accompanying 
the military forces, and attending to the spiritual 
needs of miners, establish their convents at Nombre 
de Dios, Durango, Topia, Mapimi, Mezquital, San 
Bartolome Valley, Cuencame, and Saltillo. We have 
glanced at the first decade of Jesuit annals, at the 
end of which the company had its colegio at Guadiana, 
with six workmen in the missionary field. Of these 
fathers Santaren and Buiz were in Topia; Francisco 
Ramirez and Espinosa at Parras; and Geronimo 
Ramirez and Fonte in the Tepehuane mission at and 
about Papasquiaro. 11 

In the towns of the Laguna region, all visitas of 
the Jesuit mission at Parras, prosperity reigned for 
over forty years, only to be interrupted by seculariza- 
tion as will be seen later. Padre Espinosa died in 
1G02 and was replaced by Francisco Arista; and next 
year fifteen hundred converts were added to the four 
thousand already baptized. 12 No hostilities were ever 
experienced from the gentle Laguneros, who welcomed 
even doctrina when administered with plenty of food, 
and the padres' chief difficulty was to eradicate deep- 

10 Durango was also called Nueva Cantabria. Mota-Pad'dla, Coikj. X. 
Gal, 407. 

11 See chapter v. of this volume. 

12 The pueblos de visita of Santa Maria de Pan-as in 1003 were San 
Santiago, and San Nicolas round Lake S. Pedro; La Laguna and Rio Nazas; 
Santo Tomas and San Geronimo; and a Spanish settlement of San Ignacio on 
the Rio Nazas. Alegre t i. 418. 



rooted but puerile superstitions. The neophytes were 
always seeing visions and being frightened by sorcerers 
into the performance of conciliatory rites to El Demo- 
nio; and yet so fond were they of the Jesuits and so 
eager for Spanish protection that a threat of abandon- 
ment was often the most effectual means to check 
their anti-christian tendencies. The missionaries who 
toiled in this field during the first half of the century, 

Southern Nueva Vizcaya, 1700. 

in addition to those already named, were Luis Ahu- 
niada, Juan Betancur, Tomds Dominguez, Sebastian 
Yta, Diego Larios, Diego Diaz de Pangua, Gaspar 
Contreras, and Luis Gomez, the exact dates of service 
not being given. 13 

.Y. Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., MS., 552. The Anna of XG07 in Doc. Hist, 


In 1608 four hundred neophytes died of small-pox; 14 
and in 1612 the country suffered from an inundation 
such as had not been known for thirty years. The 
Rio Nazas overflowed its banks, destroying the church 
and other buildings at San Ignacio, the chief Spanish 
settlement in that region. At San Pedro, though the 
natives ran away and the padre barely saved his life, 
the church had fortunately been commended to the 
virgin and was not injured. The next year was one 
of drought and famine; but the flood had not been 
without its benefits, since it had fertilized new districts 
and opened new channels. In former times drought 
had ever been productive of war for the possession of 
the deepest holes with their fish-supply; but Christi- 
anity had changed all that. 15 Of secular affairs at 
Parras and at Saltillo, with its Tlascaltec town and 
Franciscan convent, we know nothing, so smoothly 
moved the current of events, or so imperfect are the 
records preserved ; and for the same reasons it matters 
not whether we close this first period of south-eastern 
annals at 1615 or 1640, since the intervening years 
form an absolute blank in history. 16 

I pass from the east to the extreme west, where 
fathers Alonso Puiz and Hernando Santaren toiled 
in the sierra of Topia, in the region about the modern 
Tamazula, where a grand beginning was made as we 
have seen in 1600, 17 followed by much progress for 
about a year. The native Acaxees seemed docile and 
increasingly fond of village life; but Satan was not 
dead, neither did he sleep; and what was worse, prac- 
tically, Topia was a mining district. Laborers were 
needed in the reales of Topia, San Andres, San Hipo- 
lito, and Virgenes; and such laborers were obtained 

Mex., serie iv. vol. iii. 81-8, speaks of six padres at work in Parras with 
4,000 Christian natives in 20 pueblos. 

u xlhvmada, in N. Vizcaya, Doc. I/id., iii. 90. 

ir °A/c(jre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 55-8. 

1G A mission was established at Cuencam6 in 1C30. Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
Jesus, ii. 184. 

17 See ehapter v. of this volume. 


without much regard to royal orders or Christian 
precepts. In 1 GO 1-2 fifty Acaxees, indignant at ill- 
treatment and chafing under restraint, aroused five 
thousand of their nation to take up arms with a 
solemn oath to lay them down only when the last 
Spaniard had been slain. There was no ill-will toward 
the padres, but their influence was feared and they 
were to be included in the slaughter. The rebels 
killed five Spaniards at the first outbreak; burned all 
the pueblo buildings, including forty churches; dealt 
the same fate to most of the mining camps; and finally, 
eight hundred strong, besieged Padre Ruiz, who with 
forty Spaniards and a few natives had intrenched 
himself in the church at San Andres. 

The soldiers defended themselves successfully and 
even made several sorties, in one of which the assail- 
ants were surprised at early morning and lost a large 
supply of food and some lives. In another Ruiz 
marched out in advance of the soldiers, unprotected 
save by his crucifix, and clouds of arrows were dis- 
charged at the holy man, but not one struck him. 
Meanwhile messengers had been able to reach Du- 
rango, and after fifteen days, when food and powder 
were about exhausted, Governor Urdiiiola with sixty 
men came to the relief of the besieged, and the foe 
retired to their mountain strongholds. 18 

In the new aspect of affairs the first step taken 
was to send Padre Santaren to urge submission as a 
duty, and the only means of escaping war to the death. 
This missionary was especially beloved by the natives, 
and was able to go safely among them several times, 
though his escort was once attacked, and during one 
visit a Spaniard, a negro, and several Christian natives 
captured with a mule train on the Culiacan route, 

!S According to Zacatecas, Information, MS., Vivero was governor at the 
beginning of this revolt. Ribas says the rebels killed some Christian Indians 
in the pueblos; also that the real de Topia was besieged; and that some Span- 
iards were badly wounded at San Andre's. Santaren, in Alegre, i. 403-4, 
says it was the governor's lieutenant who came with 70 men, and that the 
Indians then burned the 40 churches and retired. Mention of the revolt in 
Rivera, Cob. Mex. } i. 78; Zamacois, Hist. Mij. } v. 2A5-G. 


were killed in his very presence; still he could not 
bring the rebels back to their allegiance. Urdinola's 
forces raided through the country, accomplishing but 
little. The natives often drew their pursuers to a 
favorable spot, attacked them from ambush, and, if 
unsuccessful, as they usually were, retired to inaccessi- 
ble barrancas. Meanwhile Bishop Mota was on his 
way to Topia escorted by forty men. This party was 
led astray by an ingenious device of scattering maize 
to attract crows and lead the Spaniards to suppose 
they were following Urdinola's trail. The advance 
guard was attacked, and rejoined the bishop only after 
some loss. 

The three representatives of political, ecclesiastical, 
and missionary power now combined their efforts. 
The governor supplemented his military operations 
with a bombshell hurled into the hostile camp in the 
form of a kind act. Capturing a party of women 
who had become separated from the warriors, he sent 
them safe and well fed back to their husbands, thus 
tying the hands of the savages, as they afterward 
confessed, in spite of their vow. Santaren continued 
his supplications. Bishop Mota sent his mitre as a 
pledge of intercession with the secular authorities. 19 
All these influences, joined to present hardships and 
memory of past life in the missions, were too much 
for the patriotism and waning animosity of the 
Acaxees; and Santaren soon marched into Topia at 
the head of three thousand natives of eleven districts, 
bearing the cross and the white flag of peace. Kindly 
received, they submitted to all requirements, obtained 
full pardon, and went to work to rebuild their churches. 

This submission naturally did not extend at once to 
all the ramifications of the Acaxee nation in the far- 

19 According to Torquemada, i. 090-3, the rebels, after receiving the 
mitre, were attacked by the Spaniards, and being hard pressed, they nour- 
ished the pledge which the officers and men came immediately to kiss. This 
gave the natives a very high idea of the talisman and did much to cause sub- 
mission. The bishop afterward preached not less against the Spanish 
oppression than against the Acaxee revolt. The mitre was later preserved in 
the Culiacan church. Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 490. 


reaching defiles of the sierra. The Sabaibos on the 
west not only continued the revolt, 20 but even deigned 
to learn a useful lesson as they thought of Bishop 
Mota's exploits. An old sorcerer proclaimed himself 
bishop and even God, chose two companions as Saint 
James and Saint John, and proceeded to baptize, 
marry, and divorce by original formulas of his own, 
retiring to a distant penol. After two months' inef- 
fectual effort, 21 Governor Urdinola at last sent San- 
taren with four soldiers, who came back with seven 
or nine villages of natives ready to submit. Indig- 
nant at this defection, the gentile bishop ravaged the 
fields and burned the houses of the deserters; but he 
was soon taken and put to death, and with him van- 
ished the last trace of rebellion and of his somewhat 
startling doctrinal innovations. 22 Padre Andres Tutino 
was added to the missionary force in 1602, and in 
1G04 there had been two thousand five hundred bap- 
tisms and three thousand were ready for the rite. 23 
Before 1G15 three new districts were added to the 
Topia conversion. These were the rancherias round 
the ancient Culiacan, 24 those in the Sierra de Canta- 
rapa, and those of Bamoa, 25 all apparently in the mod- 
ern Sinaloa. At Tecuchuapa there was at one time 
serious trouble with the Tepehuanes, arising from the 
kidnapping of certain maidens, and resulting in the 
massacre of a whole rancheria. Occupied with this 

20 Alegre, II i*t. Comp. Jems, i. 422-3, implies that they had submitted 
with the rest, and that this was a new revolt. Santaren, in Id., 404-5, re- 
presents it as a revolt only in a religions sense. 

21 There is some confusion in the narrative. Alegre says it was to the 
Sabaibos that the bishop sent his mitre; Santaren speaks of no fighting; and 
Ribas makes the acts of the Indian bishop the cause of the main revolt, refer- 
ring the return of the women to this last phase of it. 

22 On the Acaxee revolt see Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 477-92; Alegre, Hist. 
Comp. Jems, i. 418-23; Santarcn's letters, in Id., 403-5; Torquemada, i. 
G90-2; Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 230-7. 

23 Alegre, i. 393-4, 423-4. The padre's name is written Justino by Valle 
in Hoc. Hist. Mex., s6rie iv. vol. iii. 129. 

21 Badiraguato, Conimeto, and Alicamac were the towns formed; and Sta 
Maria Tecuchuapa, San Pedro y San Pablo Bacapa, and San Ildefonso Tocorito 
in the Cantarapa, or Carantapa, region. 

26 This cannot be the Bamoa near San Felipe; but was another rancheria 
of similar name in the mountains. 


matter the padres could not visit the Bamoas; but 
the latter were so zealous for baptism that they came 
to Cantarapa for it from their home on the Rio Sina- 
loa. By 1G08 there were nine missionaries at work 
under Ruiz as superior, in the whole region known by 
the general name of San Andres. 26 

The Xiximes were a tribe of savages and cannibals, 
living in the sierra south of Tooia and west of the 

O J. 

city of Durango. 27 They were the southern neighbors 
of the Acaxees, to whom they were linguistically allied, 
but were the inveterate foes of that people, whom 
they are said to have hunted for food. 2S It soon be- 
came of vital importance to subdue these savage tribes, 
or at least to arrest their inroads on the converts. Ur- 
clinola was appealed to, and at his suggestion a Xixime 
was captured, kindly treated, and sent back to bear 
an offer of peace and pardon, with the alternative of 
war and condign punishment if their murderous as- 
saults were continued. The decision was for peace, 
and the Xiximes tendered their allegiance. This was 
in 1G07; for several years friendly relations continued, 
and in 1609 Padre Cueto even made a little progress 
in the conversion of the cannibals. 29 

But in 1610 hostilities were renewed, and Chris- 
tian natives were persecuted more than ever. An- 
other appeal was made to the governor, and by his 
order the comandante at San Hipolito, which had 
now been formed into a presidio for the protection of 
the whole district, made an ineffectual effort for peace 

20 The distribution so far as given was as follows: Alonso Ruiz, San Gre- 
gorio; Floriano Ayerve, Bamoa; Gonzalez Cueto, Otatitlan among the Sabai- 
bos; Ger6nimo S. Clemente, Tamazula; Jose de Lomas, Atotonilco; Hernando 
Santaren, Sierra de Cantarapa. Eibas, 501-4; A legre, i. 454-60. Before 1(51 G, 
besides Andres Tutino, Juan Acacio and Juan Alvarez were serving at Real 
de Topia, and Diego Acebedo and Gaspar Najera at Cantarapa. Valle, in 
Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv. vol. iii. 129, adds the names of Diego Castro and 
Andres Gonzalez. Pedro Gravina succeeded Santaren in 1010. 

27 See Native Races, i. 571-91, 014; iii. 718; Orozcoy Berra, Gcog., 315-17, 
and maps in both works. 

28 They used to compare the flesh of Indians to beef, that of negroes to 
pork, and that of Spaniards to mutton! Ribas, 550. The Spanish soldiers 
found in their rancherias thousands of skulls, pots of human flesh, and human 
eyes served on maize-leaves. 

2 * Aleyre, Hist. Comj). Jesus, ii. 0-7. 


without bloodshed through an embassy; but the 
Xiximes replied by a challenge to fight and a threat 
to kill and eat all Christians of whatever race, and 
did thereupon attack the Real de las Virgencs, killing 
two Spaniards and five natives, whose entrails they 
left, but carried off their bodies for food. The viceroy, 
notified of the critical condition of affairs, authorized 
the governor to fit out an expedition to crush the 
rebels, and the latter accordingly marched from the 
capital in October 1(510, with two hundred Spaniards 
and eleven hundred natives, attended by fathers 
Alonso Gomez and Francisco Vera. The two strong- 
holds of the enemy were Jocotilma and Guapijuxe, 
the former of which was entered on October 18th, 
without resistance as it seems. Indeed, no trouble 
was encountered, save that naturally pertaining to 
the march in so rough a country, until Urdinola at- 
tempted to secure from the assembled people certain 
hostages for promised good behavior. Then an old 
chief called upon his subjects to die rather than submit 
to the seizing and ironing of the hostages; a fight en- 
sued, and many of the natives fell before they were 
overcome. Eleven ringleaders in the late outrages 
were condemned to death, and ten were hanged, con- 
fessing their crimes. Nine of them became Christians, 
but the old chieftain bravely refused to put his trust 
in a foreign faith, and his body was riddled with 
arrows after death by the Christian natives. One 
young man was pardoned at the intercession of Padre 

The rancherias of the Jocotilmas having been de- 
stroyed, and the people having become good Spanish 
subjects, the governor marched for Guapijuxe. The 
Xiximes of this district were in arms and offered at 
first so] no resistance to Urdinola's ambassadors; but 
finally at an interview the chief claimed that he and 
his seventeen rancherias had taken no part in the 
insurrection, and that their warlike attitude was only 
the I a] •;.! at what the Jocotilmas had done. 


His word was taken and full pardon accorded to his 
subjects. The reader cairtiot fail to wonder at the 
facility with which the aborigines of these regions 
generally submitted to the Spaniards; at the uniform 
readiness of the latter to accept excuses and accord 
pardon, no matter what outrages had been committed; 
and above all at the fact that the natives under such 
circumstances often kept their pledges for years, until 
aroused by new oppression, real or fancied. 

By the middle of 1G11 seven thousand Xiximes 
were settled in villages under Santaren and Gomez, 
and three hundred had been baptized. Peace reigned 
from this time forward, and these people, or such of 
them as were spared by an epidemic dysentery, be- 
came as noted for their devotion to the new faith as 
they had been for savagism. Before 1G14 the con- 
version had spread to the Yamoriba mountaineers, 
where Santa Cruz and Santiago were founded, and to 
the people known as Humayas and Alicamas, who 
with the natives of Oauzame, Huecoritame, and Qri- 
zame had been visited in 1G11 by fathers Juan del 
Valle and Bernardo Gisneros. Pedro Gravina and 
Juan Mallen were added before 1G1G to the mission- 
ary force in the Xixime country. 30 

In the Tepebuane missions eight Jesuits worked 
zealously with uninterrupted success and without any 
special incidents that call for mention. 31 The central 
establishments where the padres lived were in the 
south, but man} 7 " tours were made in the north-west- 
ern sierras, where some small pueblos seem to have 
been founded, as also in the south-west; for the Te- 
pehuane country bounded the Topia province on every 

30 On the conversion of the Xiximes sec Eibas, 53 1-50, and Alegre, ii. 6-7, 
38-40, 44, 72-3. Ribas says the viceroy provided four extra missionaries for 
the Xiximes, with church ornaments and 300 pesos per year to support a 
seminary for children of chieftains. The same author speaks, p. 543, of a pre- 
sidio with 10 soldiers, Xiximes and Tepehuanes. 

31 These were Juan Fonte, Diego Orozco, Bernardo Cisneros, Luis £ 
Hernando Tobar, Juan del Valle, Gerdnimo Moranta, i pez. 

..■ in this field, had lefo ii for 
ho di. J 1a 1021. 


side but the west. Santiago Papasquiaro, San Ig- 
nacio Zape, and Santa Catalina were the regular mis- 
sion cabeceras, and here the neophytes were supposed 
to be far advanced toward civilization; while in the 
country round about were many prosperous haciendas 
and mining camps. 

In the midst of their prosperity the missions of the 
Guacliana college were on the eve of a bloody revolt, 
hardly equalled in the annals of the north-west. Dur- 
ing the summer of 1616 the padres noted signs of 
uneasiness among the hitherto tractable Tepehuanes, 
and without suspecting its cause or importance, simply 
reported to the governor and redoubled their vigilance 
and kindness. Little attention was given the matter 
atDurango, doubtless on account of the previous good 
character of the nation, and because they lived so 
near the capital that revolt seemed unlikely. In the 
light of subsequent events the governor was to some 
extent blamed, but apparently without cause. There 
is no evidence that the natives complained of any 
special acts of oppression. The Jesuits were always 
ready enough to charge soldiers and miners with out- 
rages leading to disturbance, but in this case no such 
charge is made. 32 There is reason to believe that the 
war was an outbreak of religious and patriotic fanati- 
cism inspired by a pretended god. Details respecting 
the acts and teachings of this particular representative 
of divinity are puerile, probably inaccurate, and not 
worth close examination. True they are like the acts 
of other prophets in these respects ; but some of the 
latter succeeded in making themselves famous, while 
of this would-be founder of a new faith not even the 
name has been preserved. He was probably one of 
the old medicine-men of the nation, envious and bitter 

32 Ribas, G29-30, points out the error of the author of the Grandezas de 
Madrid, in attributing the disaster to the sending of Tlascaltec settlers, 
one such were ever sent among the Tepehuanes. He also defends the 
policy of the government in prosecuting, with due care for native rights, this 
just war of defence (pp. 572, C21); yet he seems to blame the governor for 
not heeding the padres' warnings, fearing to incur expense (p. 622). 


at the success of his Christian rivals with their new- 
fangled sorceries; yet he was willing, like the Sabaibo 
bishop, to adopt even from them a useful idea. He 
had been baptized, had relapsed into idolatry, and 
had preached against the Christians in villages near 
Durango ; for this he had been flogged. 

But when did persecution abate the ardor or injure 
the cause of a religious enthusiast? All the more ear- 
nestly after his flogging, but also with more caution, 
did this Tepehuane messiah continue his teachings, 
bearing always with him an idol and claiming that the 
two, by some kind of a mysterious duality, were God, 
and angry that without his consent the Spaniards had 
crossed the ocean. No more were to be allowed to 
come, and all here must be killed, especially the mis- 
sionaries. Did the people refuse to act in accordance 
with the divine will, famine, pestilence, storms, and 
nameless calamities were in readiness to scourge the 
land; but obedience would ensure victory and happi- 
ness ; the invaders should perish to a man ; tempests 
should sink all foreign fleets; Indians slain in battle 
should be raised to life after seven clays; and if old, 
should be restored to youth. The word of deity was 
pledged to these results, and miracles, as is usual in 
such cases, were wrought as tokens of power to fulfil. 
Divers natives for incredulity were swallowed up in 
the earth ; and the prophet appeared in different forms 
and from different directions, the more to arouse the 
superstitious admiration of his disciples. 33 It is not 
strange that he was successful. The teachings of the 
padres were not calculated to dispel the native super- 
stitions, but only to direct them into new channels. 

33 The demon first appeared in savage form from the direction of N. Mexico, 
declaiming against Spanish oppression and in favor of native independence; 
but, making very little progress in this way, he came again miraculously in 
great splendor, proclaiming that the first messenger whom they had not lis- 
tened to was the son of God, but that lie was the holy ghost, and not in a 
mood to urge but to command. The people might obey or be swallowed up. 
Arlcjui, Chrdn. Zac, 187-02. As early as 1G15 a Lagunero at a Tepehuane ball 
was given a bow said to have come from a great lord, who had appeared in 
different forms, and would come to bring death to Spaniards and padres. 
Aleyre, ii. 82. 

Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 21 


The friars were continually aided or opposed by divine 
or diabolical manifestations. They were always ready 
to give supernatural interpretations to the petty events 
reported by their converts, and the latter now at- 
tempted to interpret for themselves. 

The result was a well arranged, wide-spread, and 
almost unsuspected plan for revolt. A statue of the 
virgin was to be set up in the church at Zape on 
November 21st. It was to be a grand gala day, sure 
to bring together all the Spaniards for many leagues 
around. It was therefore deemed a fitting occasion 
to throw off the mask of secrecy and begin the attack. 
The natives of Santa Catalina, however, were moved 
by their avaricious zeal to begin operations on the 16th 
by robbing two traders, who arrived at this time with 
their mule-trains of valuable goods from Culiacan, and 
by murdering the Jesuit, Hernando de Tobar. 84 This 
murder was regarded as a test by which to ascertain 
the power and will of the Christian God to interfere 
in behalf of his saints. One of the traders escaped to the 
hacienda of Atotonilco, while some of the native de- 
pendants bore the tidings to Guadiana. Simultaneous 
warnings flew over the country from different sources, 
and a body of Spaniards, men, women, and children, 
two hundred in number according to Kibas, assembled 
at Atotonilco. Here they were attacked next day by 
the savages from Santa Catalina with volleys of 
arrows, stones, and insulting taunts, supplemented 
with firebrands and red peppers, which soon forced a 
surrender, and all were massacred but two, one of the 
victims being the Franciscan, Pedro Gutierrez. 35 

At the same time thirty Spaniards were assaulted 
at Guatimape; but just as they were on the point of 
surrender and death, a band of horses came galloping 

34 Tobar was 35 years of age, a native of Culiacan, and had served some 
time in the mission of Parras. liibas, 516-20. 

-'One of the survivors was Cristobal Martinez de Hurdaide, son of the 
famous comandante of Sinaloa, saved by a friend of his father among the assail- 
ants. Padre Gutierrez fell as lie went out crucifix in hand to remonstrate 
with the foe. 


up in a cloud of dust, and the savages fled from what 
they regarded as a large reenforcement. The be- 
sieged reached Durango in safety. At Santiago 
Papasquiaro the Spanish families, with the lieutenant, 
alcalde mayor, and fathers Diego Orozco and Bernardo 
Cisneros, were besieged in the church and held out 
from Wednesday 16th to Friday in the hope of re- 
lief. Then the savages, pretending to be moved by 
Christians in their ranks, promised to permit an un- 
molested retreat and abandonment of the country. 
The victims gave up their arms, and as they marched 
in procession through the cemetery were brutally 
murdered, the padres being treated with especial in- 
dignities, and the church with its sacred images and 
ornaments being desecrated by a rabble intoxicated 
with sacramental wine — a crime which inspires in the 
chroniclers even greater horror than the murders 
committed. A few by concealment escaped, and met 
Captain Martin Olivas, who intrenched himself at 
Sauceda, was joined by Captain Gordejuela, and for 
forty days was able to protect the refugees, who gath- 
ered there to the number of several hundred, making 
some successful sallies, and at last retiring to Durango. 
Captives taken on several occasions were hanged after 
confessing under torture the plans of the rebels to free 
the country from all Spaniards. 

At San Ignacio Zape, on Friday and Saturday 
of the fatal week, thirty Spaniards and sixty Indian 
and negro servants were slaughtered, together with 
the four paclres, Luis Alavez, Juan del Valle, Juan 
Fonte, and Geronimo Moranta. A boy fled to the 
mining camp of Guanacevi, and Alcalde Juan Alvear 
hastened up with twelve men in time to behold the 
corpses, and was himself attacked on the return. At 
Guanacevi the alcalde fortified the church and made 
a successful resistance, although all other buildings in 
the real and all in the surrounding haciendas and 
ranchos were destroyed. Padre Santaren from Xi- 
xime was on his way to the fiesta at Zape, and was 


killed at Tenerapa. The Indians admitted their regret 
at the necessity of killing one who had been so kind 
to them; his only fault was that he was a priest. 30 
Padre Andres Lopez, apparently the missionary at 
Tenerapa, escaped to the mines of Inde, where with 
other Spaniards he was saved. 

The city of Durango was saved, perhaps, by the 
premature outbreak, for the natives of Tunal and 
other villages near the capital were to have attacked 
it on November 21st; but the alarm was given in 
time to guard against an assault. Large stores of 
war material were found in the pueblos, one chief 
having in readiness the feather crown with which he 
was to be made king of Guadiana. Many leaders and 
suspicious persons were arrested and executed; women 
and children were removed to churches and public 
buildings once at a false alarm of impending attack; 
prisoners were set free on condition of serving the 
king; and the viceroy was called upon for aid. 

The Tepehuanes could not draw into open revolt 
the pueblos of the Acaxees and Xiximes, though they 
were able through certain disaffected individuals and 
bands to cause much trouble, doubtless receiving aid 
and shelter throughout the war. At Coapa, a fron- 
tier pueblo, two chiefs began to preach sedition; but 
Captain Suarez from San Hipolito, warned by Padre 
Tutino, hastened to the spot to arrest and execute the 
guilty ones, and no further disturbance occurred among 
the Acaxees. The Xiximes were more troublesome, 
a band of that tribe destroying three Christian pue- 
blos, and forcing fathers Gravina and Mallen to take 
refuge at San Hipolito. But the converts themselves 
pursued and defeated the rebels, thus restoring quiet. 
There were threats to attack the Peal de Topia and 
kill lathers Acacio and Alvarez; but the alcalde and 

3G He was a native of Huete in Spain; came to America in 1588; and 
served a short time in Pnebla before coming north to Sinaloa and Topia, 
v. here he baptized some 50,000 persons. Once he was seen to bare his back 
and require two Indians to flog him without mercy. Eibas, Hist. Triumpho8 t 
508-10, gives a full account of his life and character. 


comandante Sebastian cle Alvear — the Alveares were 
an office-holding family it seems — fortified the place, 
holding sixty men in readiness, and no attack was 
made. Next the Tepehuanes tried to arouse the Can- 
tarapa villages, and Padre Acebedo retired to San 
Felipe; but the natives remained faithful, and the 
padre soon returned to Tecuchuapa with a guard of 
six soldiers. The natives of this village proved their 
fidelity by marching out and attacking the Tepehua- 
nes; but somewhat later, being hard pressed, they 
decided to transfer their residence to Sinaloa. Dur- 
ing the war some outrages were committed in the 
south-west on the route between Nombre de Dios 
and Chametla, the home of the Humes and southern 
Tepehuanes, the region adjoining Nayarit; and the 
natives of the coast took some advantage of if they 
did not engage directly in the revolt. 37 The burning 
of Acaponeta and other troubles in that vicinity are 
elsewhere noticed. Neither from the Tarahumares 
of the north, nor from the Laguneros of the east, do 
the rebels seem to have derived any material aid. 

In Mexico war against the apostate rebels was de- 
cided upon by the political and approved by the eccle- 
siastical authorities. Orders were given for troops 
and money, the former to be raised in the north and 
the latter to be paid from the cajas reales of Zacatecas 
and Durango. But early in 1617, before anything 
had been accomplished under the viceroy's orders, 
Governor Alvear, deeming the safety of the capital 
assured, marched north with seventy soldiers and one 
hundred and twenty Indians, to visit the scenes of the 
late massacres, succor the places still holding out, and 
chastise such bands of rebels as he might be able to 
overtake. On the summit of the Cuesta del Gato, 
reached only after a fight of which no details are 
given, he found the bodies of Pedro Rendon, a regidor 
of Durango, and of the Dominican friar Sebastian 

37 Arlvgui, Chrdn. Zac, 192-7. 


Montaiio, tenth in the list of martyred friars who fell 
in this revolt. Succor was left at Guanacevi, where 
the Spaniards still held out in their defence, though 
all about them was in ruins. Whether Inde had yet 
been abandoned does not appear clearly from the 

It is not possible to construct from the meagre data 
any complete and consecutive account of this expedi- 
tion. During January and February the army in two 
divisions, one of which was under Captain Montaiio, 
visited all the deserted missions in the northern Tepe- 
huane district. The victims were found and given 
Christian burial, save the missionaries, four or five of 
whom, with bodies untainted and the blood still fresh 
in their wounds, were removed to Guadiana. 38 Sev- 
eral minor encounters took place, but the foe was 
always repulsed with some loss, and the Spanish force 
was not adequate to effectual pursuit in such a coun- 
try. Captives were forced by torture to confess and 
were put to death, one of these being the chief Pablo, 
whose treachery had caused the massacre at Santiago. 
It was found that many negroes, mulattoes, and half- 
breed Spaniards had joined the rebels, and even one 
of their leaders, named Mateo Canelas, belonged to 
the latter class. The most decisive conflict took place 
at Tenerapa, where the savages had assembled their 
women and children and had established their chief 
depot of arms and supplies under the care of a pro- 
tecting idol. Alvear and Gordejuela attacked this 
place at dawn on February 12th or 13th, killed thirty 
warriors, and put the rest to flight, capturing two 
hundred and twenty men, women, and children, res- 
cuing a few Spanish children and captive servants, 
and taking a large amount of supplies, which included 
much of the plunder from the missions. The victo- 
rious army was received at Guadiana in the middle 
of February with great rejoicings, and in March 

38 Arlcgui, Chr6n. Zac, 244-5, says that Padre Gutierrez and the other 
martyrs were buried at Papasquiaro. 


fitting honors were paid to the remains of the martyr 
missionaries. 39 Here, as at various points on the march, 
captive instigators of revolt, both men and women, 
were hanged. 

On his return Alvear found two companies of rein- 
forcements under captains Sebastian Oyarzabal and 
Hernando Diaz, and determined to start again with- 
out delay against the foe. The Jesuit chroniclers 
Ribas and Alegre do not attempt a full description of 
this second entrada, simply stating that the army 
marched over two hundred leagues through a moun- 
tainous country and destroyed some of the rebels' 
rancherias. They secured a large amount of plunder, 
especially of live-stock, captured many women and 
children, tortured a few spies, and defeated the foe 
whenever they could be found. One of the most 
famous leaders, Gogojito, was killed in battle, and it 
was noted that three arrows pierced his tongue in 
punishment for past blasphemy. 

Padre Alonso del Valle accompanied the army, and 
in a letter gives a full account of all that was accom- 
plished, although he writes before the expedition was 
quite completed. 40 From this account, which geo- 
graphically at least is very confusing, it appears that 
this expedition, leaving Durango February 25, 1G17, 
was at first directed to the south-west, to Guarizame 
and La Quebrada, the home of the Humes, and to the 
Xixime region, 41 subsequently returning to the Papas- 
quiaro region. The natives of the south-west, while 
not openly allies of the Tepehuanes, seem to have 

39 Pdbas speaks of a triumphal entry; but Alegre says the governor went 
on his second expedition without entering the capital. 

40 Valle, Carta sobre la Campana contra Tepehuanes Rebeldes, 1017. In N. 
Vtzccq/a, JJoc, iii. 90-129; also MS. Valle writes from Llanos do Guatimape, 
May 9, 1018— which should probably be 1017. Alegre calls him P. Alonso 
de Valencia. 

41 La Quebrada, whose nine Hume villages are named elsewhere, bordered 
on Cocoritame, a Tepehuane town; and on Humase, Yamoriba, and Zapimi, 
Xixime towns. Gucayas, Sta Fe, Cacampana, Remedios, Zamoitua, Yamo- 
yoitua, Basis, Vasisy, Guapijuxe, Huahuapa, Teuchius, San Pedro, and Coapa 
are mentioned apparently as Xixime towns; and other places in the s. w. 
were Sariana, Texame, and Zamora. The places which seem to be located in 


been always ready enough to shelter them. It is not 
my purpose to follow the different divisions of Alvear's 
forces in the complicated intricacies of their campaign, 
in which each day's events were very like those of 
the day before or the day after. Hundreds of villages 
and rancherias were visited, though few Tepehuanes 
were found, and all other tribes had been entirely 
innocent, or at least they said so, and were willing to 
make peace. Seventeen was the whole number of 
rebels killed down to the 9th of May, but the number 
included the famous Gogojito, whose head Padre del 
Yalle held in his hand while he chanted the te deum 
laudamus. Rewards for Tepehuane heads were offered 
to the warriors of other tribes. 

At the beginning of 1618 the Tepehuanes were 
scattered in small bands throughout the intricate bar- 
rancas of the Sierra Madre in their own territory or 
in that of other tribes more or less closely allied to 
them. They had murdered ten friars, with perhaps two 
hundred Spaniards of all ages and both sexes. They 
had devastated the whole district of central Durango, 
destroying a large amount of mining and agricultural 
property, and retarding the industrial progress of the 
country by at least fifty years. Yet after all their 
outrages they had failed in their plan, and were now 
in a condition worse than ever. They had been able to 
make no organized resistance, had been defeated in 
every encounter, and were but poorly repaid by the 
expense of 800,000 pesos inflicted upon the royal 
treasury in addition to the loss of quintets and diezmos. 
They had lost a thousand warriors including their best 
chieftains; many of their women and children were 
captives; their fields had been ravaged; and most of 
their plunder had been lost. Above all their god had 
utterly disappointed them; not one of his predictions 

Tepehuane territory proper are: Sierra de Arratia, Sta Catalina, Francosa, 
Organos, Cruces, Ramos, Fuenterrabfa, Yoracapa, Tenerapa, Vasapa, Vaqui- 
tame, Otinapa, Xicoripa, Palmitos, Coneto, Moxitome, Jomuleo, Cacaria, 
Bocas, I inos, Canatan, and Sauceda, with a great number of orthographical 


had come to pass; 42 and in person even he had disap- 
peared from the scene. Truly their last state was 
worse than the first. Padre Lopez, the only survivor 
of the Jesuit band, shrewdly suspecting that the reb- 
els were beginning to think upon the evil of their 
ways, sent out an old woman, with his prayer-book as 
a talisman, to prepare the way for a new spiritual con- 
quest. The Tepehuane rebellion was at an end. 43 

Peace restored, missionary work went on in a 
quietly prosperous uneventful way that has left but 
meagre record. In the mountains of the west the 
Jesuits labored in the villages of the Acaxees, Xixi- 
mes, and allied tribes, meeting no serious obstacles 
and gradually increasing the culture if not the number 
of their flocks, but not attempting any extension of 
the field for more than a decade. 44 Between 1630 

42 Yet Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac, 192-7, tells us that the demon caused the 
killed to appear alive and still fighting so that the natives thought he was 
keeping his promise. 

43 Authorities on the Tepehuane revolt are Ribas, 302-3, 508-20, 567-72, 
597-627, 631-47, 708-10; Alegre, ii. 82-92, repeated in Dice. Univ., x. 539- 
43; Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac, 91-2, 187-200, 244-5; Nueva Vizcaya, Doc. Hist, 
iii. 90-129, also MS.; Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 53-8, 107-9, 150-1; Ddvila, 
Continuation, MS., 223-7; Tamaron, Visita, MS., 32-7; Gonzalez Ddvila, 
Teatro Ecles., i. 252-3. Iiibas, 629, says that he obtained his information 
from the records of investigations made by order of viceroy and bishop. 
Many inaccurate reports were sent to Mexico and Spain. Pubas also speaks 
of a battle at Tenerapa where Capt. Bartolome' Juarez was in command. 
After the day was far spent and no advantage gained, he remembered Padre 
Gravina's counsel to ' trust in God. ' As he raised his visor to lift his eyes to 
heaven he saw Gravina in person holding a crucifix and flogging himself. 
Victory immediately followed, and the captain related the miracle, though 
the padre begged him not to. Arlegui, 91-2, 198, 200, describes a great bat- 
tle on the plains of Cacaria, where the governor with a small force attacked 
25,000 Indians and killed 15,000 of them in a fight of five hours. The same 
writer states (p. 197) that the Tepehuanes outraged women before killing 
them; and he relates several miracles, among them, that an image of the vir- 
gin at Cacaria was transferred at the burning of the church to Durango where 
it was found locked in the sagrario. A short account given in Noticias de las 
Espediciones, MS., and print, also in Monumentos Domin. Exp., MS., 244-5, 
is full of errors. See also for brief and unimportant mention, Cavo, Tres 
Siglos, i. 261-2; Apostdlicos Afanes, 31; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 104-6; Zama- 
co/s, Hist. Mej., v. 283-6; Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 14; Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 
2da ep. ii. 335-6; Dice. Unh\, iii. 139-40; Beltrami, Mex., i. 282-3; Mayer's 
Mex. Aztec, i. 185-6; Alvarez, E.<tudios, iii. 194-209. 

44 In 1018 Padre Lomas had been transferred to the Tepehuane field in aid 
of Lopez; P. Juan Alvarez died in 1623; and it is not unlikely that other 
unrecorded changes were made in the missionary personnel. Alegre, ii. 113, 
141; Dice. Univ., viii. 169. 


and 1640, however, the conversion was extended 
southward over the Humes and Hinas, kindred 
mountain tribes and probably branches of the Xiximes, 
living in La Quebrada, about the head- waters of the 
Rio Humase, called Rio PiastJa nearer the sea. 45 We 
have seen the people of this district friendly and sub- 
missive to Governor Alvear and Paclre del Valle in 
1617; and even earlier Santaren had baptized children 
there. In 1630 the Humes of Humase and Guarizame 
voluntarily applied at Guadiana for instructors, and 
were visited by Padre Estrada. 46 In the same year, 
perhaps, Padre Cueto entered the Hina lands, baptized 
many children, and formed a pueblo of Espiritu Santo 
at Queibos, or Quilitlan. Circumstances prevented 
him from remaining then, but he came back a year 
or two later to resume his work, soon founded San 
Sebastian de Guaimino, w T as joined by Diego Jimenez, 
and subsequently formed the pueblo of Santiago at or 
near Queibos. 47 

The natives were less tractable than formerly. A 
year of famine added to the padre's difficulties. Apos- 
tates there were to urge revolt, and not a few converts 
ran away. Things looked so dark that the governor 
was called upon to pacify the country by an armed 
entrada. After some delay Captain Juarez from San 
Hipolito undertook the task by order of the governor 
in the autumn of 1633. The natives made no resist- 
ance, but came to Yamoriba in November to render 
allegiance and exchange gifts. Juarez then passed 
through the Hina country 48 without incident requir- 

45 The Hume pueblos were Guarizame, Toministame, Queibos, Yacaboytia, 
Acuz, Yomocoa, Tomisitua, Zipamoytia, and Mosas; those of the llinaswere 
Guaimino (San Sebastian), Iztlan (San Francisco Javier), Queibos (Quilitlan 
or Espiritu Santo, possibly not identical with the Hume Queibos), and San- 
tiago (near the preceding, or, according to Orozco, identical with it). See 
N. Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 90; Ribas, 550, etc.; A/cr/rc, ii. 105, etc.; Orozco y 
Berra, Opo(/., 310-17. There is evidently a blunder in Orozco's references. 

^Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 183-4, 109-200. 

'' Alegre calls the second padre's name Pedro instead of Diego. The 
authorities speak of Santiago as the sixth pueblo formed, by what system of 
counting is not very apparent. 

48 The places named on the tour wei*e San Pedro del Rio, Santiago, La 
Concepoion, Santa Apolonia, and San Ignacio, where Juarez remained 37 days. 


ing mention; and thus were the people permanently 
reduced, or at least we hear of no further troubles. 
Father Gravina took charge of the Hume missions in 
connection with Santa Maria Otais in 1G33, but died 
two years later, and was succeeded among the Humes 
by Jimenez and at Santa Maria by Francisco Serrano. 
San Pablo was soon founded with two hundred and 
fifty natives. 49 

The Tepehuanes were very gradually gathered in 
from their mountain retreats to the old pueblo life. For 
a year or two fathers Lopez and Lomas worked alone, 
and it is not strange that their efforts, persistent as 
they were, and by no means unsuccessful, have left 
no definite record, coming as they did immediately 
after the revolt with its more exciting scenes. In 
1620 four new padres were sent to this field. Papas- 
quiaro and Santa Catalina were rebuilt, while both 
Spaniards and Indians began to settle anew in Gua- 
nacevi, Atotonilco, and Sauceda. 5J About 1623 San 
Ignacio Zape was rebuilt. Here the image of the 
virgin, whose dedication was to have been the signal 
for revolt, was found in a well with a cut in the left 
cheek. It was sent to Mexico by a pious captain, who 
made a vow to repair it, and on its return was set up 
at Zape on August 14th, as good as new, save the 
scar on the cheek which could never be obliterated, no 
matter what pigments were applied. 51 A minor revolt, 
leading to no serious results, under two brothers from 
Zape, Don Felipe and Don Pedro, is recorded in 1638. 

40 fi'Jxts, 550-71 , including a letter from Padre Jimenez. Alegre, ii. 195-201. 

50 San Simon became also a large colony, many Tarahumares being brought 
from San Pablo Valley to settle there. One Oriarte is named as one of the 
last rebel chieftains to submit, and he was executed in San Pablo Valley. 
Alegre, ii. 140-4, 153-4. Antoneli, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da dp., ii. 337, 
refers to Zape, Hist, del Jlachazo, as an authority on the rebuilding of Papas- 

51 The image was known as Virgen del Hachazo, Nra Sra del Zape, NraSra 
del Valle, and was still worshipped late in the 18th century. Some say, how- 
ever, that the original was broken up for relics and a new one made. Alegre, 
ii. 144-G. Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac, 62-3, attributes; the virgin with the hatchet- 
wound to the Franciscan establishment at Mczquital, where he say3 the out- 
rages during the revolt had been greatest. lie adds that when the Spaniards 
attempted to lift the image for removal to Durango it refused to be removed 


It arose, as the natives claimed, from oppressive acts 
of Padre Suarez, or as the missionaries state, from a 
reprimand administered for disorderly conduct to Don 
Felipe. In the same year ten friars, who had lost 
their lives in Nueva Vizcaya, were proposed at Rome 
for the honors of martyrdom. As a rule the recon- 
verted Tepehuanes were the most faithful of neo- 
phytes. 02 

Passing northward we find the upper Vizcaya, the 
modern Chihuahua, divided aboriginally by linguistic 
lines into three great districts, occupied by the 
Apaches in the north, the Conchos in the south-east, 
and the Tarahumares in the south-west, with numer- 
ous minor intermixtures of other tribes which require 
no special notice here, since my purpose is merely to 
give such a general idea of tribal geography as will 
contribute to the reader's convenience in following the 
course of events. 53 The Tarahumares, mountaineers 
for the most part, were the leading element in Chi- 
huahua, as were the Tepehuanes in Durango; and as 
the latter had on the west the Acaxee and Xixime 
districts, so in connection with Tarahumara, but con- 
nected historically during this period with Sonora, 
we find west of the sierra the Chinipas and Guaza- 
pares, as well as a district in the south-west about 
Baborigame that w T as probably Tepehuane. It is also 
most convenient for purposes of historical narration 
to add to the Concho district the north-eastern por- 
tion of Durango, the haunt of Tobosos and Cabezas 
as well as Tepehuanes. Neither the mission districts 

until a Franciscan friar took hold of it, when it became as light as a feather. 
A good account of the Hachazo also in Tamaron, Vidta, MS., 32-7. See 
A fegre, ii. 194, 224-5; Reyes y Fuentes, Libro del Origen delColegio de Durango, 
MS., for an account of progress, endowments, etc., of the Jesuit college, 

52 Antoneli, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da ep., ii. 337, says that the Tepehuanes 
were not fully subdued until 1690, when the pueblos of Papascuiiaro, Sta 
Catalina, and Atotonilco were formal izados, and an extension of lands 

i,:) See Orozco's map on p. 310 of this volume. For tribal details see Native 


nor historic periods are more definitely marked in the 
north than in the south; the geographical confusion 
in village names is even greater; and the matter is 
in some cases still further complicated by the presence 
of two religious orders working side by side. 

The work of conversion in Tarahumara Baja, on 
and about the boundary between the modern Durango 
and Chihuahua, was begun by Father Juan Fonte in 
1607. He repeated his visit in 1611, and succeeded 
not only in baptizing many children, but in drawing 
out from the mountains a large number of families, 
with which he seems to have founded a Tarahumare 
village in San Pablo Valley, apparently in the region 
of the modern Balleza. Of the early progress of this 
pueblo, which for many years could have had no reg- 
ular padre, we know nothing. We have seen that 
this nation took no active part in the Tepehuane re- 
volt of 1616. It is said, however, that just before 
that outbreak a Tepehuane chief attempted to poison 
the Tarahumare mind against the Jesuits and their 
work; but after the preacher of sedition had been 
almost suffocated by an inflammation of the throat 
sent upon him by the Jesuits' master, he repented 
and thereafter spoke nothing but good of the mission- 
aries. 54 

There seem to have been no permanent missions or 
resident padres in Tarahumare territory until 1630, 
although Fadre Lomas and others taught as far 
north as the region about Parral at an earlier date. 
At this time a voluntary demand for missionaries 
was made to Governor Velasco, together with a 
promise to settle on whatever site he might select. 
Captain Juan Barraza, with Padre Juan Heredia, 
made a tour accordingly through the sierra as far 

54 Arlegui, Chrdi). Zac, 200-1, speaks of a Tarahumare revolt in 1G25 
which lasted two years, during which time the nation was nearly destroyed 
by generals Retama and Alday. A particularly destructive battle took ♦place 
near Bachiniva, where the field in later times was covered with bones. No 
other author mentions such a war, though it is not unlikely that Lhe Tara- 
humares committed some outrages on the Franciscan establishments among 
the Conchos, and were punished by Spanish raids. 


north as Nonoava. They obtained four hundred 
natives, who were brought to the southern verge of 
their national territory and settled in a new town 
called San Miguel de las Bocas, just south of the 
modern Durango line, and near the Rio Florido, or 
Espiritu Santo Valley. A few months later Gabriel 
Diaz, a Portuguese Jesuit, took Heredia's place, and 
soon founded a second pueblo in the same vicinity 
called San Gabriel, of whose subsequent history 
nothing is known. A Spanish settlement was made 
in 1631 at Parral, in the midst of rich mines, but we 
learn nothing of any padre of that date. It may be 
supposed that other northern tours were made and 
more neophytes brought down to San Miguel; but. 
the work of founding" regular mission in Tarahumara 
proper did not begin until 1639-40, as will be related 
in the next chapter. 55 

The Franciscan annals of Nueva Vizcaya from 1600 
to 1640 are almost a blank, notwithstanding the 
researches of Padre Arlegui, although the hiatus in 
his work is less noticeable by reason of its lack of 
chronological arrangement. The most definite record 
on the subject is that of an investigation in 1622 by 
the Franciscan authorities of the Zacatecas province. 
At this time the testimony of half a dozen missionaries 
was taken, but the result was merely a list of Fran- 
ciscan establishments, the incidental mention of some 
friars' names, and a few details of special service and 
suffering in connection with the various revolts. It 
was estimated that over thirty Franciscans had lost 
their lives on the northern frontier, and that over 
14,000 natives had been converted. While the friars 
had rendered valuable service in restoring order after 
the different revolts against the Jesuits, it was claimed 
that there had never been any revolt in Franciscan 
missions. Fourteen convents had been established in 

K Ategre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 44, 58-9, 184-5; Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac, 
200-1; Apostdlicos Afanes, 225; Orozco y Berra, Carta fflnog., 322. 


the past twenty years, and twenty-seven were now in 
existence. Those in Nueva Vizcaya, with perhaps 
one or two exceptions, were, San Antonio Guadiana, 
Nombre de Dios, San Francisco Chalchihuites, Santa 
Barbara in the valley of San Bartolome, San Juan 
del Rio, San Francisco Mezquital, San Estevan Sal- 
tillo, San Sebastian del Venado, San Pedro y San 
Pablo Topia, Concepcion Cuencame, San Francisco 
Charcas, Santa Maria Atotonilco, San Juan Mezquital, 
Santa Maria Guazamota, San • Francisco Conchos, 
Tlascalilla, San Diego Canatlan, and San Buenaven- 
tura Atotonilco. 56 Subsequently there were founded 
San Bernardino in 1641, and Santo Domingo de 
Camotlan, called the thirty-first convent, in 1G42. 

The Franciscans suffered to some extent during 
the Tepehuane revolt, one of their friars, Padre Pedro 
Gutierrez, having been killed as already related; but 
less than the Jesuits because they had little to do 
with the rebel tribes, and because their convents were 
as a rule near the Spanish settlements. That their 
mission policy, as implied by their writers, was better 
calculated to prevent trouble than that of the Jesuits, 
may be questioned. Their troubles came later. They 
rendered important service, however, in restoring 
peace after the great rebellion. North-eastern Du- 
rango above the Bio Nazas, with eastern Chihuahua, 
the home of the Conchos, constituted from the first 
in a certain sense a Franciscan district; though the 

56 Zacatecas, Information de los Conventos, Doctrinas, y Conversions que se 
hanfundado en laProvintia de Zacatecas, 1622. MS. In Durango, Doc. Hist. , 
51 et seq. The friars named in this report, besides those of the south and of 
earlier times, are: Francisco Oliva, of Conchos; Jose Narvona, chaplain of the 
governor's force in 1C16; Gregorio Sarmiento, Lorenzo Cantu, Cristobal Fspi- 
nosa, Geronimo Bautista, Domingo Cornejo, Rodrigo Novantes, Francisco 
Capillas— all of whom toiled in the revolt of 1G1G; Pedro Gutierrez, killed in 
that revolt; Francisco Adame and Andres Hercdia, in Topia 1602 and 1616 
respectively; Francisco Santos, of Cuencam6 in 1022; and Geronimo Pangor, 
of Tlascalilla. Padres Geronimo Zarate and Ignacio Cardenas are said to have 
brought Tlascaltec families and settled them at five points on the frontier. 
Colotlan, Venado, San Miguel Mesquitic, Chalchihuites, and Saltillo. The 
two newest convents were those of Canotlan and Atotonilco. Their founding, 
and those of the later establishments, are mentioned in Arlegui, Ghrdn. Zac, 
90-5, 116. He adds Milpillas, founded in 1619 and later transferred to Lajas. 


establishment at Mapimi seems not to have been con- 
tinuously maintained; and the order in that region had 
less influence than the Jesuits at Tizonazo after 1G40. 

The first definitely recorded expansion seems to 
have been from the central establishment at San 
Bartolome, now Allende, when Padre Alonso Oliva 
founded in 1604 the twenty-first convent of the Pro- 
vincia cle Zaeatecas, at San Francisco de Comayaus, or 
Conchos. 57 Oliva spent about forty years among the 
Conchos, and died in Mexico in 1612. He looked no 
one in the face, deeming himself unworthy, and he 
wore constantly an iron girdle with sharp prongs 
rooted in his flesh. He was accompanied to Mexico 
by several Concho chiefs, and his business was to ob- 
tain license for new conversions. 58 Parral, or San 
Jose, since Hidalgo, was founded as I have said in 
1631-2, and was from that time a kind of presidio, 
occupied by a small military force for the protection 
of this frontier. 53 From the annals of a subsequent 
revolt it appears that before 1645 the pueblos, or mis- 
sions, tended by Franciscans were San Bartolome, 
San Francisco de Conchos, San Pedro, 00 Atotonilco, 
Mascomahua, and perhaps Mapimi in the south. 

The Monclova region of Coahuila, north of the lake 
district of Parras and Saltillo, is said to have been 
first visited by the Franciscan friar Antonio Saldu- 
endo in 1603. He gathered the natives into several 
mission towns and remained three years, the field of 
his labors being called Valle de Estremadura; but his 
crops were destroyed by the Tobosos and other hostile 
tribes, and he was forced to retire. The next visit 
and the beginning of Coahuila annals proper must be 
dated more than sixty years later. 01 

67 Torquemada, Monarq. Lid., iii. 345, says that in 1G09 Oliva gathered 
4,000 Conchos in a settlement, 20 leagues beyond Santa Barbara. 
'egui, Citron. Zac, 83-4, 306-14. 
b *G'a!le, Mem. Not., 97; Alegre, ii. 190, 220, 250 vecinos in 1015. 

60 Although Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac, 106-7, says that San Pedro was not 
founded until 1649, meaning, perhaps, re-founded or supplied with a resident 

61 Doc. I list. Mcx., sdrie iii. torn. iv. 421; serie iv. torn. iii. 14; Orozco y 
Berra, Carta Etnog., 301; Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac, 141. 




List of Governors and Bishops — Southern Districts — A Tierra de 
Paz — Topia — Zapata's Visit a— Laguna Region— Secularization and 
Destruction — Tepehuane Missions — Tarahumara — Map — Francis- 
can Territory — Toboso Raids — Concho Revolt— Murder of Friars 
— Cerro Gordo — Tarahumare Revolt — Campaigns of Carrion, 
Barraza, and Fajardo — Villa de Aguilar — New Rebellion — Mar- 

Outbreak — Extension of Jesuit Missions — Franciscan Progress — 
Casas Grandes— Junta de los Rios — El Paso del Norte — Jesuits 
versus Franciscans — Statistics of 1678— Presidios — Border War- 
fare — Tarahumare Revolt of 1690 — Martyrdom of Padres Foronda 
and Sanchez. 

Francisco Bravo de la Serna was ruler of Nueva 
Vizcaya in 1640, and the list of his successors as 
governors and captain-generals down to 1700 was 
substantially as follows : 1642-8, Luis Valdes; 1 1648- 
51, Diego Fajardo, or Guajardo; 1654-61, Enrique 
Davila y Pacheco; 2 1662-5, Francisco de Gorraez 
Beaumont; 1665-70, Antonio de Oca Sarmiento; 3 
1670, Bartolome Estrada, ad interim; 1670-3, Jose 

1 April 30, 1648, c^dula arrived at Mexico naming Oidor Gomez de Mora 
to take the residencia of the late Gov. Valdds. Guija, Diario, G. 

2 Davila had been governor of Yucatan. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc, 731-2. He 
became corregidor of Mexico in 1601. Guijo, JDiario, 457. 

3 In 1009 Juan de Garate y Francia was sent from Mexico to investigate 
charges against Oca, his predecessor, and others, made by a renegade Jesuit. 
Garate removed the governor, and a ruler ad interim was appointed by the 
viceroy. Mota-Padilla, 400, says, however, that the governor ad interim was 
appointed by the president and audiencia of Guadalajara, there being a 
quarrel between those two authorities on the subject. But in 1774 Garate 
was fined 12,000 pesos and suspended from office for irregularities in taking 
the residencia. Robles, Diario, 82, 87, 104; iii. 201-2; Rivera, Gob. Mez., 
i. 320. 

Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 22 ( 337 ) 


Garcia Salcedo; 4 1674-6, Martin de Kebollar; 5 1677, 
Lope de Sierra; 1682, Bartolome de Estrada; 1685, 
Gabriel Nira y Quiroga; 1687, San Miguel de Aguayo ; 
1690, Juan Isiclro de Pardinas ; 1695, Gabriel del 
Castillo; 1700, Juan Bautista Larrea. 7 Besides the 
names and dates thus given, with certain campaigns 
and other acts of the rulers which I shall have occa- 
sion to notice in connection with missionary annals, 
there is nothing to be added respecting the political 
and military government of the country during this 
century. 8 

The ecclesiastical government, as we have seen, was 
in 1640 in the hands of Bishop Diego Evia y Valdes. 
In 1654 he was transferred to Oajaca, leaving forty 
thousand pesos for the benefit of his old diocese. 9 
His successor was Pedro Barrientos Lomelin, pre- 
centor of the metropolitan church of Mexico, vicar- 
general, chancellor of the university, and comissary of 
the holy crusade. He took possession of the see the 
22d of December 1656, and died October 18, 1658. 
Juan de Gorospe y Aguirre was appointed, confirmed, 
and consecrated in Mexico in April, August, and 
December 1660, taking possession by proxy on Octo- 

4 His appointment by the king reached Mexico Oct. 2, 1070. Robles, Diario, 
90, 401. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 314, cites a letter of Oca as governor 
in Jan. 1073. This may indicate that Salcedo did not arrive until 1073 and 
that Oca, reinstated after his trouble, held the office ad interim. Salcedo died 
in Spain in 1080. 

5 Appointed Nov. 28, 1074; died at Parral Nov. 19, 1G70. Robles, Diario, 
207, 224. 

6 He was oidor in Mexico, and started for Parral Jan. 23, 1077. Robles, 
Diario, 230. He arrived with Fr. Antonio Valdes on April 21st. Nueva Viz- 
caya, Doc. Hist., iii. 298-300. 

7 In addition to the references in preceding notes, see for incidental men- 
tion of the different rulers: Alegre, ii. 230, 3G7, 389, 447-8, 403; iii. 70; 
Nueva Vrzcaya, Doc, iii. 230; Berrofaran, Informe, 105, 170-7; also MS.; 
Morfi, Diario, 385, 407; Sedelmair, Relation, 844-5; Velarde, Descrlp. Hist., 
375; Tamaron, Visita, MS., 41. 

8 Viceroy Mancera, Instruction, 489-90, says the supplies furnished to the 
garrisons from the royal treasury at Durango, 1044-73, amounted to $402,342. 
Rivera, Gob. Alex., i. 223, states that $02,000 per year was paid to the N. 
Vizcaya garrisons, and yet the troops were destitute, and it was hard to fill 
the ranks at an annual cost of 450 pesos for each soldier; 1007, hanging of an 
ex-alcalde, Fernando de Armindes, for robbery. Robles, Diario. ii. 48. 

"Calle, Mem. Not., 95, gives some details of the ecclesiastical organization 
and revenues in 1045. Eibera, Gob. Mex., i. 182, mentions some slight dis- 
sensions between political and ecclesiastical authorities. 


ber 13, 1GG2, and in person the next year. He died 
September 21, 1671, leaving in the episcopal archives 
a manuscript record of his literary talent and religious 
zeal. Juan de Ortega Montanes, inquisitor of Mexico, 
was next appointed, confirmed, and consecrated in 
1G73-5; but was transferred to the bishopric of Guate- 
mala before coming to Durango. Fray Bartolome de 
Escahuela, a Franciscan, was promoted from the 
bishopric of Puerto Rico to that of Guadiana by 
bull of November 16, 1676, taking possession by 
proxy August 11, 1677. He served with much zeal, 
prepared diocesan regulations approved by the king, 
and died at his post on November 20, 1684. Fray 
Manuel de Herrera, court preacher, and a member of 
the Minimos de San Francisco de Paula, was ap- 
pointed May 4, 1686, and died January 31, 1689, at 
Sombrerete. 10 Garcia de Legaspi Velasco y Altami- 
rano, curate of San Luis Potosi, canonigo, treasurer, 
and archdeacon of the metropolitan church of Mexico, 
and honored with other titles, was nominated bishop of 
Durango in 1691, and took possession December 22, 
1692. He ruled until March 5, 1700, when he was 
promoted to the see of Valladolid. 11 

In the preceding chapter I have brought the mis- 
sionary annals — and the country has no other — of 
Nueva Vizcaya proper down to the year 1640. In 
the present chapter I continue those annals to the 
end of the century, continuing also in general terms 
for the reader's convenience and my own the subdi- 
vision of the territory into mission districts as al- 

10 The date of his taking possession is not recorded, because the prebenda- 
ries had all died in 1G87. In April 1088 Bishop Herrera visited Mexico to 
prevent a transfer of the treasury from Durango to Parral. Rubles, Diario, ii. 

11 On the bishops of 1640-1700 see Concilios Provinciate*, 1555-G5, 370 et 
seq.; Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 21-4; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro, i. 250; ii. 92; 
Guijo, Diario, 359, 362, 365-8, 409, 411-12, 441, 445, 451, 503-4; Robks, Vida 
del Arzob. Cuevas, 133; Vetancvrt, Giudad de Mex., 18-19; Figueroa, Vindi- 
cias, MS., 70; Dice. Univ.,\. 341; ix. 281, 446, 551 ; Medina, Citron. S. Dicjo, 
241-2; Robles, Diario, ii. 115, 138, 182-3, 200-1, 231, 236, 461, 485; iii. 9, 38, 
111, 116; 6'osa, Episcop. Mex\, 145, 160; Juarros, Compend. GuaL, 284-5. 


ready indicated. In the south during this period, as 
the country approximated to the condition of a tierra 
de paz in which surviving natives submitted more or 
less cheerfully to town life, to the restraints of Chris- 
tianity, to the instruction of the friars, and to the 
tyranny of Spanish pobladores and miners, the record 
becomes as is usual in like cases meagre and unevent- 
ful; in the north the period is one of excitement, of 
conquest, of conversion, of revolt, warfare, and of 
martyrdom. The southern districts may therefore 
most conveniently be taken up first, and their frag- 
mentary annals of progress down to 1700 finally dis- 
posed of, before attention is called to the bloody 
record of the north. 

In the western province, which may still be called 
by its original name of Topia, it was estimated that 
fifty thousand souls had been saved before 1644, when 
eight missionaries were serving there in sixteen 
churches. In 1662-3 a pestilence is recorded, during 
which Padre Ignacio de Medina did good service in 
the Otais district until a novenario to San Francisco 
Javier abated the scourge. In 1664 Atotonilco was 
in charge of Estevan Rodriguez, while Diego de Ace- 
bedo and Gaspar de Najera were serving at Tecuchu- 
apa. 12 Juan Ortiz Zapata reports in his visita of 
1678 thirty-eight pueblos of converts in the western 
province, divided among three missions proper which 
were named Xiximes, San Andres, and Santa Cruz 
de Topia, the last of which at this elate was reckoned 
among the missions of Sinaloa. Each was divided 
into three or four partidos and each partido was in 
charge of a Jesuit. There were ten padres, about 
fourteen hundred neophytes, and a scattered popula- 
tion of about live hundred Spaniards, or "what are 
called Spaniards in this country," as one Jesuit ex- 
presses it. I have deemed the statistics of this visita 

12 Ribas, 507; Alegre, ii. 200, 422-3, 429-32, 437, 448-9. Padre Leonardo 
Jatino is also named as one of the Acaxee missionaries. P. Cristobal Kobles 
served at Guarizame in 10(31. 


worthy of preservation at some length in a note ; and 
between 167 S and 1700 I find no record whatever for 
the whole region. 13 

Turning again to the eastern district of Parras, 
where events from 1G16 to 1640 left absolutely no 

13 Xixime Mission, a little s. of W. from Durango; population, 19,000 
(1,900?); divided into 4 partidos: 

(1.) San Pablo Hetasi, 26 1. from Dur., pop. 104; 3 pueblos. S. Pedro 
Griiarizame, (18 1.) w. of S. Pablo, pop. 41; Sta Lucia, anew pueblo E. of S. 
Pablo, on road from Dur. to Copala, pop. 82. Partido under P. Francisco 
Medrano, serving 227 persons; no gentiles in the partido. 

(2. ) Santa Cruz de Yamoriba, 30 1. \v. of San Pablo, pop. 48; 2 pueblos. S. 
Bartolome Humase, 7 1. W. Guarizame, 5 1. e. Yamoriba, pop. 42. Partido 
under P. Pedro Cuesta, serving 110 persons. 

(3.) Santa Apolonia, 40 1. S. of W, Yamoriba, pop. 75; 3 pueblos. Con- 
cepcion, 2 1. E. Sta Ap., pop. 50; Santiago el Nuevo (site recently changed), 
4 1. e. Sta Ap., pop. 14. Partido under P. Juan Boltor serving 139 persons. 

(4.) San Ignacio, 4 1. Sta Ap., pop. 133; 5 pueblos. S. Geronimo Adia, 
or Ahoya, 7 1. N. S. Ign., pop. 200; S. Juan, 4 1. s. S. Ign. , pop. 75; S. Fran- 
cisco Cababayan (Cabazan?), 4 I. S. S. Ign., pop. 34; S. Agustin, w. S. Fran., 
pop. 36. Partido under P. Diego Jimenez, serving 529 persons, many Span- 

San Andres Mission, n. of San Ignacio, 70 1. w. Durango; 591 persons; 4 

(1.) San Ignacio Otatitlan on Rio Vegas, 34 1. n. S. Ignacio de Xiximes, 
pop. 28; 4 pueblos. Piaba, once cabecera 5 1. w. Otatitlan, pop. 10; Alaya, 
12 1. w. Otatitlan, pop. 40; Quejupa, 11 1. sr. Otatitlan, pop. 12. Partido 
under P. Francisco de la Plaza, serving 160 persons; 7 estancias of Spaniards. 

(2.) San Ildefonso de los Remedios, 10 1. N. e. Otatitlan, up the river, 
pop. 65; 2 pueblos. Sta Catalina, 3 1. S. S. Ild., pop. 88. Partido under P. 
Geronimo Estrada, serving 198 persons. El Palmar, 3 estancias of Spaniards, 
3 1. down river w. from S. lid. 

(3.) San Gregorio, 28 1. e. Otatitlan, pop. 50; 4 pueblos. Soibupa, 71. 
w. S. Greg., pop. 24; S. Pedro, 1 1. n. S. Greg., pop. 24: San Mateo de 
Tecayas, 1 1. e. S. Greg., pop. 25. Partido under P. Fernando Barrio, rector 
and visitador, serving 125 persons. 

(4.) Santa Maria Otais, 14 1. s. E. S. Greg., pop. 2S; 2 pueblos. Santiago 
Batzotzi, 10 1. S. Otais, pop. 10. Partido under Padre Barrio, serving 108 
persons. Also serves presidio S. Hipolito, 8 1. distant, and Real de Guapijuxe, 

Santa Cruz de Topia Mission, e. of S. Felipe de Sinaloa; 1,101 persons; 3 

(1.) San Juan Badariguato, 16 1. E. Mocorito (?), pop. 56; Reyes de Coni- 
meto, 3 1. w. S. Juan, pop. 56; Sta Cruz, 8 1. n. w. S. Juan, pop. 97; S. 
Fran. Alicamac, 8 1. s. S. Juan, pop. 43. Partido under P. Pedro Robles, 
rector, serving 368 (336?) persons. 

(2.) San Martin Atotonilco, 12 1. E. S. Juan, pop. 60; 6 pueblos. Santiago 
Merirato, 4 1. s. Atot., on Rio Humaya, pop. 103; S. Ignacio Coriatapa, 5 1. 
s. Atot., on same river, 16 1. from Culiacan, pop. 76; S. Pedro Guatenipa, 8 
1. s. e. Atot., on same river, pop. 104; S. Ignacio Bamupa, 9 1. Guat. on Bio 
Atotonilco, pop. 59; Soyatlan, 20 1. Atot., 10-12 1. N. Bamupa, 20 1. Nabo- 
game or Sabotruame, pop. 124, Partido under P. Nicolas Ferrer (just ap- 
pointed, P. Andres del Castillo having recently died), serving 010 persons. 

(3.) San Ignacio Tamazula, 40 1. s. E. S. Martin Atotonilco, pop. 81; 4 
pueblos. S. Ignacio Atotonilco, 3 1. E. Tamazula, on same Rio de la Que- 


trace in written records, we find that in 1645-6 the 
missions were taken from the Jesuits by the bishop, 
and put in charge of the clergy. Something of the 
kind had been unsuccessfully tried in 1641, as appears 
from certain scraps of correspondence found later in 
the archives. 14 As to the causes of this secularization, 
we must accept the Jesuit version in the absence of 
any other. It seems that since the foundation of the 
villa the hacendados of the vicinity had coveted the 
water and ditches which irrigated the fields of the 
neophytes, finally claiming the property as their own. 
The Jesuits defended the claim of the natives, who 
appealed the matter to Governor Alvear, and obtained 
a confirmation of their rights to the agiia grande. 
After his term of office had expired, however, Alvear 
married into the Urdihola family, and became himself 
proprietor of the hacienda. He needed the water, 
and paid no heed to the rights of the natives or to his 
own former decision. The neophytes now appealed, 
at the padres' advice, to the audiencia, and once more 
gained their cause; but the friars had incurred the 
bitter enmity of Alvear, and of other prominent Span- 
iards; and the latter had influence enough to oust 
their foes, especially as the ex-governor and Bishop 
Evia were personal friends, and the bishop was not a 
friend of the company. 15 

When given up the missions numbered six, each 
under a Jesuit, and each having one or more pueblos 

brack, pop. 53; S. Joaquin Chapotlan, 5 1. s. Tamazula, pop. 17; S. Jose" 
< 'anelas, formerly a partido, 20 1. e. Tamazula, up river, 5 1. from lieal tie 
Topia, pop. 40. Partido under P. Cristobal Bravo, serving 310 persons. 
Zapata, Relation, Scattered through this report is much unimportant infor- 
mation about the condition of churches and church ornaments, docility of the 
neophytes, etc. 

14 The authorities on secularization are two reports made in the next cen- 
tury by Jesuits who searched the archives. They are: Carta de un Padre 
ex-Jesuita, written apparently as late as 1780; and Carta del Padre Francisco 
Perez, dated I'arras, Dec. 8, 1749, and addressed to the provincial, in N. Viz- 
caya, Doc, MS., 540-52; printed, iv. 73-88. 

1 Morn, Diario, 300-3, gives a similar account of the water transaction, 
but lie makes the date of secularization Oct. 15, 166G. Alegrc, Hist. Com)). 
Jesus, ii. 427, 43(3-7, makes the date 1652, and says the residencia of Parras 
alone remained to the Jesuits. 


do visita. 16 There were do gentiles left in the district, 
and some progress had even been made in the north. 
Bachiller Mateo Barraza was curate at Parras, and 
Licenciado Clemente Martinez Rico at San Pedro; 
and as the two had all the limosnas and perquisites 
of the six Jesuits, their position was for a time a very 
comfortable one. Two Jesuits, Gaspar Contreras and 
Luis Gomez, remained at Parras in charge of the 
company's property, respecting which there was no 
little trouble subsequently, since the ex-missionaries 
were disposed to surrender only the church ornaments 
and other articles actually furnished by the king. Ex- 
actly how much of the mission property they event- 
ually retained, in addition to the lands and cattle, 
there are no means of determining; but they seem 
to have kept the mission books, and there are some 
indications that they also retained their houses. 17 

At the very time of secularization, as will be more 
fully narrated later in this chapter, the pueblos of 
the Parras district, and especially Santa Ana, suffered 
from the raids of the savage Tobosos and rebellious 
Salineros of the north. After the change no further 
progress was made in conversion, but even the old 
pueblos were gradually abandoned, the clergy having 
neither the numbers, ability, nor apparently the will 
to attend to them, being accused of the grossest negli- 
gence. The neophytes of San Lorenzo openly revolted 
and refused to resume town life unless under their old 
missionaries. 18 By the middle of the next century, 

16 The missions were: Santa Maria de Parras, with el Pozo, La Peila, and 
Santa Barbara; San Pedro y San Pablo de la Laguna, with Conccpcion; San 
Lorenzo, with Homo and Sta Ana; San Sebastian, with San Geronimo; San 
Ignacio, with San Juan de Casta; and Santiago, with San Jose dc las Abas 
and Baicuco. 

17 In 1G74 the clergy tried to get rid of attending to burials and proces- 
sions, and also to acquire the Jesuit cemetery. The Jesuits decided to 
abandon the place, and ordered all movable property to be transferred to 
Guadiana, leaving a majordomo in charge of lands; but the clergy gave up 
their pretensions, not being able to get along without the company. By 
decree of April 2G, 1700, the right of administering the sacraments at Parras 
was taken from the clergy and given to the Jesuits (?) N. Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 

18 Letters of Padre Contreras of May 1, 1G53, in JV. Vizaya, Doc, iii. 


and perhaps at its beginning, no trace remained of any 
mission save Parras, where the Jesuits still remained, 
and where large accessions of Spanish and Tlascaltec 
population brought much prosperity. Padre Gomez 
died in 1652, Padre Arista three years earlier in 
Guatemala, Padre Castillo was at Santa Ana in 1645, 
and Padre Mufioz is spoken of as having died while 
performing the duties of a 'lazy cura.' 19 In 1669 
there appeared in the air the form of a man, teaching 
Christian rites, refusing adoration, and leaving as a 
token a book so heavy that the whole tribe of natives 
could not move it. Lieutenant Governor Antonio 
Joaquin Sarria notified the governor of the vision; 20 
and, although some accused the natives of intoxica- 
tion, yet as certain incredulous natives were blown 
back to the spot by a sudden gale, there was no doubt 
felt that San Francisco Javier, lately chosen patron 
of Nueva Vizcaya, had actually appeared to the 
people. The vision was at a time when the Tobosos 
and Cabezas were on the war-path, but it effectually 
checked hostilities by enabling Sarria to defeat and 
make peace with the foe. A chapel was dedicated to 
the saint in December by Governor Oca in honor of 
the miracle, and the patron in return often did good 
service for the country in times of war and epidemic. 
Morfi tells us that the small-pox well-nigh completed 
the destruction of mission Indians in 1682, so that 
in 1692 there remained but one hundred and forty- 
seven native families at Parras, of which eighty-seven 
were Tlascaltecs, or at least claimed to be such in 
order to avoid tribute. 21 

In the Tepehuane district there is little to be noted 
during the rest of the century. A new mission of 
San Jose Tizonazo had been founded at a date which 
cannot be exactly fixed in the frontier region between 

19 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 358-9, in addition to authorities already 
named. The same writer says (398-9) that Contreras and Gomez worked in 
Saltillo, where the people offered a considerable hacienda for a Jes lit college. 

20 In a letter of Sept. 3, 1669, in JV. Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 200-71. 

21 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 451-3; Morfi, Diaiio, 393-4. 


Incle and Bio Nazas; but what is known of this mis- 
sion may be most conveniently recorded in connection 
with the annals of the north-eastern district, and 
especially of the rebellion of 1644-6, in which its 
natives known as Salineros and Cabezas took a prom- 
inent part. At the time of the revolt Father Diego 
Osorio was in charge of Tizonazo. In 1662 Juan 
Ortiz Zapata, Pedro Suarez, Francisco Mendoza, and 
Bernabe Soto were in charge at Santa Catalina, 
Papasquiaro, Zape, and Tizonazo. 22 In 1678 Padre 
Mendoza still remained, but the rest had been re- 
placed by Francisco Banuelos, Diego Saenz, and 
Francisco Vera. At this time, according to the 
visita of Ortiz already referred to, there were nine 
villages, with about eight hundred neophytes, and a 
Spanish and mixed population of about three hun- 
dred. 23 At Guadiana may be noted two rich endow- 
ments of real estate and money, which put the Jesuit 
colegio for the first time on a sound financial basis, 
and the falling of the Jesuit church in 1647, for the 
rebuilding of which 3,000 pesos were contributed in a 
single day. 24 The drought and famine of 1667 were 
followed by a pestilence, especially deadly in the cap- 
ital, where whole families were swept away and no 
remedies proved effective. But when the governor 
and bishop bethought them to choose as patron of 
the reino San Francisco Javier, 25 the plague ceased 

Z2 Alegre, Hist Comp. Jesus, ii. 206-9, 267-8, 428. _ 

23 The partidos and pueblos of the Tepehuane mission were as follows: 

(1.) Santiago Papasquiaro, pop. 73, and 54 Spaniards; 3 pueblos; S. 
Andres Atotonilco, 3 1. e. Papasq., at junction of rivers, pop. 70; San Nico- 
las, 3 1. w. Papasq., pop. 146 Xiximes. Partido under P. Diego Saenz, serv- 
ing 509 persons. Two Spanish estancias and 8 ranchos. 

(2.) Santa Catalina, 10 1. N. Papasq., pop. 10S; presidio of Tepchuanes, 
3 1. S. Partido under P. Francisco Banuelos, rector, serving 220 persons. 

(3.) Nuestra Senora del Zape, formerly S. Ignacio, 121. N. W. Sta Cata- 
lina, on source of Rio Nazas, pop. 52; San Jos6, once S. Simon, and also 
called Potrcro, 3 1. n. Zape, pop. 113. Partido under 1'. Francisco Mendoza, 
serving 171 persons. 

(4.) San Jose" Tizonazo, 13 1. from Pvio Nazas, and (the same?) from San 
Juan Inde, pop. 83, from Sin. and Son.; Sta. Cruz, 14 1. N. E. Zape, on Rio 
Nazas, s. \v. Tizonazo, pop. 84. Partido under P. Francisco Vera, serving 
199 persons. 

Zi Alegre, TTlsL Comp. Jesus, 194, 224, 369-71. 

r ° 'Angel velocisimo de la paz, que con su patrocinio quitase de las manos 


its ravages. That there might be no uncertainty of 
the saint's agency in the matter, the pest was allowed 
to break out again, to be promptly checked by new 
rites, after which no one died save a priest who 
prayed for the fate that might be best for him. 
After the setting-up of the patron's images and the 
observance of his day were enforced throughout the 
country by the decree of December 1668, he took 
upon himself the care of all Vizcayan interests, and 
his miraculous interferences and cures were of fre- 
quent occurrence, one of the latter being wrought 
upon the governor himself. 

It was in June 1639 that fathers Geronimo Figue- 
roa and Jose Pascual were sent to extend the con- 
quest of Tarahumara northward. At Parral they 
were met by the native caciques, assembled at Gov- 
ernor Serna's request to welcome their missionaries 
and to be impressed with their holiness by the edify- 
ing sight of all the government officials kneeling to 
kiss the friars' hands. Pascual, just out of his novi- 
tiate, stayed at San Miguel to learn the language 
under the tuition of Padre Diaz; while Figueroa went 
north-west, and at San Felipe, 26 or San Geronimo 
Huexotitlan, for it is not quite clear which was first 
founded, the first baptism of adults took place the 
15th of August. The paclre was fortunate in having 
several early opportunities to control the elements 
and thus work on the superstition of the natives; he 
was kind and energetic as well, and his work pros- 
pered. In 1642 he was living at Huexotitlan, when 
Governor Valdes visited the pueblos to appoint na- 
tive governors and captains, who contributed nothing 

de Dios el azote de su justa indignacion.' N. Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 257-66. See 
also Alerjre, ii. 447-8. An epidemic also in 1662. Id., ii. 428-9. 

26 San Felipe was on the Rio Conchos, 17 leagues below San Pablo, that is 
17 1. N. of the modern Balleza. N. Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 319-20, et al. Alegre, 
Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 220-1, both in relating the foundation, and later in 
speaking of the revolt, erroneously identifies this pueblo with the later S. 
Felipe el Real, on the site of the modern Chihuahua. S. Geronimo was 71. 
a little n. of e. from San Pablo. 



to later progress. Except an epidemic in 1647, mi- 
raculously checked at San Miguel by a statue of that 
saint — statue so potent for good that it caused an 
infant dying on its mother's breast to exclaim ' Sancte 

Northern Nueva Vizcaya, 1700. 

Michael/ resume its suckling, and recover 27 — there 
is not much to say of the Tarahumare field for some 
years. Before 1G48 there were six pueblos in addition 

27 N. Vizcaya, Doc. iii. 179, etc.; Aleyre, ii. 236, 2C8-9. 


to San Felipe and San Geronimo, only two of which, 
San Francisco Borja and Satevo, are named. Two 
new padres, Cornelio Godinez and Vigilio Maez, with 
possibly a third, Gabriel Villar, were in charge of 
the missions. In 1648 hostilities broke out; but prior 
troubles in the adjoining Concho territory, chiefly 
affecting the Franciscan missions, but also to some 
extent those of the Jesuits in Tarahumara and Te- 
pehuana, demand our first attention. 

The year 1644 was one of disturbances throughout 
the east, involving the Franciscan stations at San 
Francisco, Mezquital, Mapiini, and San Bartolome, 
with those of the Jesuits at Tizonazo and San Miguel. 
Neophytes often ran away to join roving bands; the 
Tobosos redoubled their petty raids ; murders and rob- 
ber ies were frequent at settlements and ranchos and 
on the roads. Complaints were rife against the padres 
of both orders; and the bishop was so far convinced 
that the Jesuits were at fault, or perhaps so hostile 
to the society, that he temporarily suspended Padre 
Cepeda at Tizonazo. There was no difficulty in de- 
feating the savages whenever they could be met. 
Captain Juan Barraza marched from Parral with 
two hundred and sixty men, and drove the Tobosos 
with much loss to the Bio del Norte. Meanwhile 
another hostile band attacked Inde, where they killed 
some Spaniards, destroyed such property as they could 
not remove, and fled as fast as their plunder would 
permit; but chanced to meet Barraza's returning com- 
pany, lost their booty, and were scattered after con- 
siderable loss of life. 

Despite reverses the Tobosos were able to form an 
alliance with the Cabezas, a warlike band of Tizonazo 
district, whose conversion was interrupted, as is im- 
plied, by Cepeda's removal, and to continue their 
outrages with renewed fury. In small swift bands 
they ravaged the country for months with the pecu- 
liar guerilla warfare, ever the most dreaded in this 
region, and by far the most difficult to resist. One 


party attacked a mule-train, killed a dozen men, and 
fled to the mountains. If pursued they scattered, and 
the worst that could befall them was the loss of their 
plunder and a few men; but during the pursuit half 
a dozen unprotected ranchos had perhaps been pil- 
laged by other bands. It was the beginning of the 
typical Apache warfare of later years. The only 
limit to the damage done was the comparatively small 
number of scattered inhabitants and ranchos in the 
country, the detachments of savages as a rule not being 
large enough, after the first outbreak and alarm, to 
attack the larger towns with any hope of success. 
Barraza was an experienced and brave Indian-fighter, 
but with the means at his command he could afford no 
adequate protection. Contradictory orders, mingled 
it seems with personal jealousies, further impaired his 
effective action, and at the end of the year he was 
relieved of command in the field in favor of Francisco 
Montafio de la Cueva with the rank of lieutenant- 
governor and captain-general, an officer who, to say 
the least, was no more successful than his predecessor.* 28 
The reign of terror continued in 1645, and the sav- 
ages by their success gained new allies. The Christ- 
ians, except runaways in small parties, had hitherto 
remained faithful; but now the Conchos, most docile 
of all, openly revolted. On March 25th the Francis- 
cans, Toinas Zigarran 29 and Francisco Labado, while 
celebrating the incarnation at San Francisco de Con- 
chos, were murdered in church. San Pedro was next 
attacked, but the padres escaped to Satevo. Atoto- 
nilco, San Bartolome, San Luis, and Mascomahua 
were pillaged and destroyed, all being abandoned by 
the missionaries, as was Tizonazo further south, be- 
fore the end of April, 30 although in the mean time 

23 iV. Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 130-5; Alegrc, ii. 244-57. Many petty details of 
depredations are given. 

™&o Arlegui calls him; Alegre makes the name Felix Cigaran; and Cepeda 
writes it N. Ligaran. 

30 P. Nicolas Cepeda narrates these events with much detail in letters to 
the provincial dated April 28th and Sept. 11th, at S. Miguel. Cepeda, Rela- 


according to Arlegui thirteen of the rebel leaders had 
been taken and hanged. 

Father Diego Osorio retired from Tizonazo to Inde; 
while the Jesuits of the northern frontier gathered at 
San Felipe by order of the superior, who was unable 
to get from Montano what he deemed a suitable guard. 
The mining camp of Inde, the Jesuit mission at San 
Miguel, perhaps a Franciscan establishment at Ma- 
pimi, and the garrisoned settlement at Parral, with a 
few undestroyed haciendas and mines in the vicinity 
of each, were now the only points held by the Span- 
iards. The Conchos and other northern tribes seem 
to have been content with the expulsion of their mis- 
sionaries; but the Tobosos kept up their raids, and the 
Salineros of Tizonazo distinguished themselves by 
their depredations during the summer and fall of 
1G45. South-eastward they attacked Mapimi, Ramos, 
Cuencame, San Pedro, and Santa Ana. Twenty 
natives were killed at San Pedro, Castillo being for- 
tunately absent; and eight Spaniards lost their lives 
at Santa Ana. The raiders were kept from Parras 
by the reported presence there of a large force. Ge- 
ronimo Moranta, named for a former missionary, was 
leader of the Salineros, who had besides a native 
bishop empowered to say mass and administer the 
sacraments. Sixty-two was the whole number of vic- 
tims during the summer, and a Jesuit writer of the 
time goes fully into details of thefts, murders, and 
other outrages. 31 Any attempt on my part to follow 
here the complicated movements of native warriors 
and Spanish soldiers during the autumn would have 
neither practical value nor interest. 

Governor Valdes, having divided his force into 
several companies under captains Montano, Francisco 
Trevifio, Barraza, Cristobal Nevares, or Narvaez, and 

0*0,7 de lo Sucetfido en csto reino de la Vizcaya, 1G44— 5, in N. Vizcaya, Doc. y 
iii. 130 72; ;>.lso MS. Arlegui the Franciscan chronicler, Chrdn. Zac, 245-8, 
describes this revolt much less fully than does the Jesuit historian Alegre, 
Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 250-2, who follows Ccpeda evidently. 
31 Cepcda, IZdacion, 148-72, followed by Alajre, ii. 252-7. 


Bartolome Acosta, made all possible effort in accord- 
ance with the ideas and methods of the time. The 
nature of the warfare has already been indicated; 
small bands of savages when overtaken abandoned 
their plunder and ran away; larger bodies when cor- 
nered made peace and subsequently ran away, leaving 
their hostages to be hanged. Many threatened points, 
however, received protection; the number of rebels 
killed in pursuits and skirmishes — for there were no 
battles — was large in the aggregate, and that of cap- 
tives and hostages put to death perhaps still larger. 52 
Cerro Gordo was a kind of rendezvous for the savages 
at first, but was subsequently held by the Spaniards 
as a fortified camp and centre of operations, develop- 
ing into a permanent presidio. By November, when 
there was but little left to steal at unprotected points, 
the fires of war seem to have burned out. From 
north and south the natives came in and surrendered 
to the officers from whom they could get the best 
terms. The villages from Tizonazo to Conchos were 
reoccupied, and the penitent rebels w T ere distributed 
where they could best be watched. The reoccupation 
is much less fully recorded than the war; but it seems 
that several new rancherias were now reduced for the 
first time to pueblo life. Many hostile bands re- 
mained unsubdued, but were quiet for a few years. 
Bishop Evia now revived his plans for secularization, 
and even sent parochial clergy to take charge of 
Tizonazo, San Miguel, and two Franciscan missions 
not named ; but the governor and his officers protested 
so earnestly that under new priests the country could 
not be kept in subjection, that the bishop had to curb 
his dislike of the religiosos, and for a time give up 
his scheme. 

Padre Cepeda's views respecting the country's 
condition and the causes of the war are worthy of 

32 Hanging was the usual method of execution; but one old woman for her 
sorceries was" thought to merit poisoning. Her stomach, however, was proof 
against any available poison, and the rope had to be used. 


notice. Secular officials, he says, cared nothing for 
the natives save so far as they might be utilized as 
laborers. They would not cooperate with the padres 
to bring back runaways or to prevent immorality. 
The Spaniards not only forced or enticed the natives 
to the mines, but imposed upon them there no re- 
strictions of life and conduct. Five years of drought 
had left the ground parched and barren, the streams 
dry, and the mines unproductive or bankrupt. The 
miners after working for months were refused their 
pay except on condition of working longer, and were 
finally paid, if at all, in goods at exorbitant prices. 
Thus the natives had really to run away or to remain 
in absolute slavery. The largest villages had not 
over fifty or sixty inhabitants, and most of them not 
over twenty. Another cause of disaster was the 
reverend writer's excessive sinfulness, and his neglect 
to supplicate with God as fervently as he ought. 33 

The fire of revolt was not extinguished, but only 
smouldering and creeping by twigs and roots and 
leaves over the country in search of new fuel, which 
was found in the Tarahumare nation, and the confla- 
gration broke out hotter than ever. The evil influences 
leading to the outbreak of 1645 had been at work as 
we have seen upon this nation and had filled the minds 
of the Jesuits with grave apprehensions for the future. 
These influences as described by one of the padres I 
have just noticed. In another letter Cepeda alludes 
to another similar cause of trouble in the Spanish 
settlement at Parral, where were many natives entirely 
free from any moral or religious restraint; where the 
Spaniards, secure in the protection of their garrison, 
cared nothing for the natives, opposed the Jesuits, 
and even imputed to them unworthy motives. 34 The 
effect of such a settlement in a mining region upon 

88 Cepeda, Relation, 140-3. Letter of April 28th. 

:JI Cept </(/, Relation, 144-8. The writer claims that if the Jesuits should 
cease their work every pueblo in the region would disappear in three months. 


missionary work on the frontier may readily be im- 
agined. The Jesuits had attributed the Tepehuane 
revolt of 1 6 1 G to native superstitions ; but they believed 
that of the Tarahumares to be due largely to Spanish 
oppression. Padre Pascual affirms as a fact, learned 
from experience, that this people were never traitors 
nor robbers, but fought for what they deemed their 
rights or to avenge their wrongs. 35 These character- 
istics of the nation will account for some notable dif- 
ferences between the warfare to be described and the 
guerilla tactics of the last revolt. 

The retirement of the Jesuits to San Felipe did 
not last long. In the beginning of 1646, if not earlier, 
they resumed work in their respective pueblos, eight 
in number, where they accomplished much, despite 
adverse influences, and were joined by Padre Cornelio 
Godinez, who came in 1648 to extend the conversion 
to more distant rancherias in the north. But the 
same year four chiefs, Supichochi, Tepox, Ochavarri, 
and Don Bartolome — honored in the records with 
the usual orthographical variations — of unconverted 
tribes in the interior, planned the destruction of 
Spaniards and their institutions. They tried to form 
an alliance with disaffected Tepehuanes through the 
cacique of San Pablo; but failure in this, when Gov- 
ernor Valdes hanged the chief on whom they relied, 
did not discourage them. They gained over some 
apostates from the pueblos and confidently expected 
larger accessions when open war should begin. 

In May or June the padre at San Felipe sent five 
Spaniards and fifty natives to protect or remove a 
large amount of grain and live-stock at San Francisco 
Borja, a visita of San Felipe, reported to be threat- 
ened with an attack. The night after their arrival 
they were surrounded, the house was fired, and the 
Spaniards with forty neophytes after a brave defence 
were slain. The loss was much smaller than it would 

35 Letter of June 20, 1G52, in A r . Vizcaya, Doc, Hi. 188. 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 23 


have been had not the assailants spared all converts 
of pure Tarahumare blood, especially those from San 
Felipe, wishing to conciliate rather than exasperate 
the people of that town. The latter were divided in 
opinion, but the prompt arrival of a small guard from 
Parral, with the padre's shrewd action in locking up 
the women and children of both faithful and disaf- 
fected, turned the scale to the side of loyalty. Cap- 
tain Juan Fernandez Carrion started from Parral 
with a hundred volunteers, and enlisted at Huexoti- 
tlan two hundred native allies at the suggestion of 
Father Pascual, who accompanied the army from that 
place. The orders were to try gentle means; but all 
hope of success in this way was destroyed by a dis- 
obedient officer's destruction of property belonging to 
natives with whom he was treating for peace, and in 
a few skirmishes nothing was effected. Carrion re- 
turned to Parral, leaving a guard for the padres at 
San Felipe. 36 

The governor now sent Barraza with his company 
of forty regulars from Cerro Gordo. He also ap- 
pointed two 'persons' as Pascual calls them, evidently 
priests, to go with Barraza and perform the duties of 
peace-makers; but they behaved so badly and were 
so evidently unfit, in Jesuit eyes at least, for the 
duty, that Pascual by a hurried trip to Durango in- 
duced Valdes to annul the objectionable appointments 
in favor of Father Maez. Then Barraza penetrated 
late in the autumn to a valley in the north-west about 
which the foe had gathered in strong positions and 
showed no disposition to parley. 37 Consequently the 
company encamped in the valley, sending back for 
supplies and reinforcements. 

A new governor, Diego Fajardo, had just been 

3(5 According to Pascual the battles took place at a place called Fariagiqni, 
and on Carrion's return he passed the Franciscan pueblo of Babaroyagua and 
Satevo, whence Padre Maez accompanied him to San Felipe. 

S7 The author of the Ahamknto speaks of a fight in which Capt. Castillo 
killed several natives and took captives who revealed the positions and num- 
bers of the foe. The same writer calls the valley Guarucarichiqui (Carichic ?). 


appointed, a son of Mars who at once advanced in 
person by forced marches, and with forty soldiers and 
three hundred native auxiliaries joined Barraza in 
January 1649. Without delay he began offensive oper- 
ations, and after a vigorous campaign of about three 
months in the mountains forced the foe to sue for 
peace. The Tarahumares promised entire submission 
and future good conduct, and as they brought in the 
heads of the four leaders as gages of good faith their 
protestations were accepted with the usual undue 
hastc. 3S Then Fajardo selected a site for a new Villa 
de Aguilar, left a corporal with thirty men and sup- 
plies for eight months, and hastened back to his capi- 
tal and newly married wife, stopping only at Par ml 
to enlist pobladores for his new villa, of whom he 
obtained only four. 

Aguilar was on the Bio Papigochic, called Bio 
Yaqui across the mountains in Sonora. The country 
was not only rich in minerals but fertile and attrac- 
tive, and a mission was founded only a league from the 
town, with the ideathat the m issionary might attend 
to both settlers and neophytes. It was called La 
Purisima de Papigochic, and was probably identical 
in sight with the modern Concepcion. Padre Godinez, 
called Bendin by Alegre, was sent here by Pascual 
who was now superior, and there was considerable 
prosperity for a time, the padre being faithful and con- 
verts plentiful. The villa did not flourish, chiefly on 
account of its distance from military protection. 
Their isolation, however, had not the slightest effect 
to inspire prudence in the half-dozen who came to 

38 Pascual represents Fajardo's campaign as an assault on one of the foe's 
strongest peuoles, which was carried after a brave resistance, whereupon the 
natives, amazed at the governor's valor, made haste to sue for peace. But the 
author of the Ahamicuto gives a much fuller account, showing the campaign 
to have been a long and complicated one, though not involving much hard 
fighting. Names of places mentioned are Valle de Cieneguilla, Valle del 
Aguila, Pachera, Temaichic, Tomachic, and Tesorachic. The foe was pursued 
across the sierra to the land of the Guazapares, and the governor encamped a 
month on the Rio Tomachic, whence he sent out detachments against the 
scattered bands of Tarahumares, killing large numbers. Two of the leaders 
were not given up until after he had left the country. 


dwell at Aguilar, nor in the soldiers of the guard. In 
all the annals of the north-west hardly an instance 
can be found where Spanish settlers in time of peace, 
however precarious their situation, took any pains to 
conciliate the good-will of the natives. They bravely 
met danger when it became necessary to fight, but 
rarely sought either from a sense of justice or policy 
to avert it. Here they soon treated the neophytes as 
slaves, laughed at the padre's protests, and became 
openly violent toward him. 

The Tarahumares, finding themselves oppressed and 
the missionary unable to protect them, decided that 
Christianity was a delusion, and set to work to right 
their wrongs by a new rebellion. It was at the end 
of 1G49 that signs of approaching trouble began to be 
manifest to Diego de Lara in command at Aguilar, 
and he warned Father Godinez to take refuge with 
the guard; but the padre refused to believe that his 
kindness could be forgotten by the natives. Lara 
arrested a few bad characters, and the danger seemed 
averted, although preparations for revolt still went on 
under the chiefs Teporaca, Don Diego, and Don Luis. 
In May 1G50 a mother attributed her daughter's death 
to the rite of extreme unction, and the eloquent Tepo- 
raca used the consequent excitement to alienate the 
few who still were friendly to their missionary. On 
June 4th the storm burst on Papigochie ; Godinez and 
his soldier companion were murdered; house, church, 
and sacred property was destroyed, and the neophytes 
fled to the sierra. 89 

Comandantc Lara sent to Parral for aid and went 
out to recover the bodies of the slain, finding the soldier 
mutilated but not the padre. Captain Barraza from 
Cerro Gordo - and Captain Morales from Parral hast- 
ened by the governor's order to Aguilar, and inarched 
against the foe, fortified two thousand strong on a 

3 ' J Pascual says that the farms round the villa were also destroyed and that 
some of the vecinos were killed. Alcgre gives details not mentioned by Pas- 
cual, having apparently consulted other documents. 


lofty pefiol. Morales by some seniority of rank 
claimed the right to lead the first attack, and began 
the assault with three hundred Spaniards and auxili- 
aries. He fought from dawn to sunset, had many 
men wounded, was unable to reach the summit, and 
retreated to where Barraza, guarding the baggage, 
had erected some hasty fortifications which, as an old 
Indian-fighter, he suspected would be needed. It was 
decided to await reinforcements before renewing the 
attack; but the enemy were not so patient. They 
came down to the valley and attacked the camp after 
giving formal notice and allowing Padre Maez time to 
say mass. This they repeated every day for a week, 
fighting well with arrows from morning to night. 
The Spaniards acted on the defensive, were hard 
pressed, and would have retreated to Aguilar, but 
were hemmed in on all sides. On the seventh day, by 
a feigned retreat, the savages drew Morales out of 
camp and into an ambush; but Barraza marched out 
to the rescue and only one Spaniard was lost. The 
foe had increased it is said to six thousand in number, 
while both food and ammunition were failing in camp; 
the only hope of safety lay in escape to the villa, and 
by the utmost precaution and good luck in the dark- 
ness of a rainy night the escape was effected without 
loss. 40 

Mortified at his captain's failure, Governor Fajardo, 
who was already residing, temporarily at least, at 
Parral, resolved to attack the Tarahumares in person, 
and Padre Pascual went with him to Aguilar. With- 
out delay he assaulted the pefiol, the scene of Morales' 
defeat, and in the first day's fight was himself re- 
pulsed with some loss. Next day by dividing his 
force and attacking at two points he gained some 
advantage and killed the leader of the foe, but was 
unable to reach the mesa, losing three soldiers and 
many native allies, and being himself wounded. The 

40 Meanwhile Pascual says a party from Sonora had been defeated, and 
much of the live-stock driven from Aguilar. 


enemy in their turn fled in the darkness of the night, 
and the sudden rising of the streams, for it was now 
the rainy season, prevented any effectual pursuit. The 
valiant governor returned to Parral; but Captain 
Barraza remained to ravage the country and harass 
the fugitive rebels, until finally in the summer of 
1G51 a new peace was patched up. Papigochic was 
again inhabited by converts, whom with the vecinos 
of Aofuilar, Padre Jacome Antonio Basilio was sent 
to care for, in place of the martyred Godinez. 

The peace, or truce, lasted until the Tarahumares 
were ready for a new outbreak in the spring of 1652. 
Padre Basilio had founded several small pueblos in the 
vicinity and had no doubt of ultimate success despite 
sundry warnings from faithful neophytes. On March 
2d Teporaca appeared before Aguilar. One part of 
the force assaulted the town, while another drove off 
the cattle, ravaged the fields, and cut off every ave- 
nue of escape. At midnight the work of destruction 
was renewed, church and houses were burned, and it 
does not appear that any Spaniard saved his life. 
Basilio, not quite dead from arrow wounds and blows 
of clubs, was hanged at dawn to the arm of the cross; 
and as he expired a beautiful child was seen to issue 
from his mouth and mount to heaven. The southern 
missions of San Felipe, San Geronimo, and San Pablo 
took no part in this war, though Teporaca used all 
his powers of diplomacy to draw them into his ranks. 
The hope of effecting this was probably what kept 
him from attacking: those missions till it was too late 
to do so with any chance of success. That God op- 
posed his unholy schemes is the Jesuit way of stating 
it. At Satevo and San Lorenzo all property was 
destroyed and the same fate overtook seven or eight 
Franciscan pueblos, 41 but the padres had retired by 
superior orders. 

At this critical time the governor was obliged to 

"" Santiago, Sta Isabel, San Andrds, San Bernabd, San Gregorio, Yaguna, 
San Diego Guachinipa, and San Bernardino. Ale<jre, ii. 394. 


march against the Tobosos, leaving to General Car- 
rion the defence of the missions which Pascual 
threatened to abandon altogether if a guard were not 
left, deeming the Tarahumares more to be dreaded 
than the eastern savages. The rebels profited by 
Fajardo's absence to renew their efforts, and two thou- 
sand of them assembled at a rancheria near San Felipe 
to await the arrival of Teporaca from the north. For- 
tunately Fajardo gained a speedy and decisive victory 
over the Tobosos, and returned before a junction of 
the rebel forces could be effected. The ensuing cam- 
paign is not very fully recorded, but it was evidently 
the most hotly contested one of the war. The Tara- 
humares were kept from attacking the pueblos, forced 
to act for the most part on the defensive, and slowly 
retired; nevertheless, by their bravery, knowledge of 
the country, and strength of positions, they had the 
best of nearly every encounter, inflicting much loss 
upon the Spaniards. 42 

Once at Tomochic the Spaniards, attempting a sur- 
prise, were themselves surprised and attacked in a 
narrow pass, whence they with great difficulty escaped. 
For two days they retreated fighting; and on the third 
the foe drew near to engage in a hand-to-hand fight, 
which was contrary to their usual tactics, but would 
have been fatal to the soldiers, whose ammunition was 
nearly gone. A soldier now stepped out without 
orders, and had the good luck to kill the leader of the 
foe at the first shot, and the comparatively harmless 
warfare with arrows was resumed. Again, assaulting 
the peiiol of Pisachic, Fajardo was repulsed, with forty- 
two men wounded. A proposed renewal of the assault 
next day would, it is claimed, have been still more 
disastrous; but Don Diego, a friend of the governor 
and a reluctant rebel, persuaded the enemy by argu- 
ment in council to abandon the peiiol in the night. 

42 Alegre states that Gov. F. first attacked Teporaca without success, and 
then transferee! his attention to the force near San Felipe, where for a long 
time he was equally unfortunate. The original makes no clear distinction 
between the two rebel forces. 


At last the fortune of war was changed on the arrival 
of reinforcements, and particularly by the accession 
of friendly Tarahumares, who, as the rebels retired 
from the pueblos, deemed it safe to espouse the Span- 
ish cause. Their knowledge of the country did much 
to equalize the combatants, and Captain Narvaez was 
able after a series of minor successes to defeat the 
main body of the foe. After this defeat, as was usual 
in north-western warfare, the natives were ready for 
peace and pardon, and the only condition required was 
the giving-up of Teporaca. This leader fought des- 
perately, but was captured and hanged, scornfully 
rejecting baptism and denouncing his countrymen as 
cowards. The Christian natives, as seems to have 
been their usage, barbarously riddled with arrows the 
body of the impenitent chief. 

Peace being thus restored both padres and neo- 
phytes resumed their labors, the former full of 
confidence as usual that the Tarahumares would give 
them no further trouble. Five missionaries, Jose 
Pascual, Geronimo Figueroa, Gabriel Villar, Vigilio 
Maez, and Rodrigo del Castillo, took their stations at 
San Felipe, San Pablo, Huexotitlan, Satevo, and San 
Miguel, respectively. A pestilence devastated the 
villages for two months, Toboso incursions were never 
ending, six years of drought had well nigh ruined 
agricultural industries; yet for these very reasons 
perhaps spiritual prospects seemed flattering, and the 
padres had nothing to fear but hard work and a 
somewhat annoying tendency to drunkenness on the 
part of their otherwise faithful converts. This was 
the state of affairs in June 1G52. 43 At or about the 
cessation of hostilities, Bishop Evia renewed his efforts 

^Pascual, Noticias de las misiones saccular de la Anuadel Padre Jose Pas- 
run/, anode 1651, in N. Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 179-209. MS. copy also in my 
Library. This narrative is dated San Felipe, June 29 (1052), and is the lead- 
ing authority on the Tarahumara war. The other original authority is Alza- 
miento de los fndlos TaraJimares y su Asiento aiio de 1646 (9), in Id., 172-8; 
which though very brief narrates certain parts of the subject more fully than 
Pascual's report. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 365-74, 382-3, 389-98, 405, 
follows these documents very closely, though there are occasional indications 


toward secularization, and again sent clergymen to 
replace Jesuits at San Miguel and Tizonazo. The 
society was compelled to yield temporarily, but the 
superior appealed to the audiencia of Guadalajara, 
obtained a stay of proceedings, and finally a royal 
order that the Jesuits were not to be disturbed, since 
the country was not yet prepared for any such change. 

Missionary annals of Tarahumara for the next 
twenty years and more may be passed over briefly. 
The padres were obliged to be content for the most 
part with holding their own in the old pueblos; and 
the obstacles encountered, though doubtless real and 
serious enough to them at the time, are commonplace 
and monotonous in the record. There were seasons 
of famine and pestilence as in 1662 and 1666; yet 
even such afflictions were not unmixed evils, as for 
example at Satevo, where a person died without 
confession, and the strange actions of a horse over 
his grave frightened the masses into penitence. 
Intoxication and communion with the devil were the 
native weaknesses, resulting occasionally in deser- 
tion of the towns, to which end the system of personal 
service in the mines also contributed. The doctrina 
was taught in the native languages and in Mexican, 
but not apparently in Spanish. Figueroa seems to 
have succeeded Pascual as superior, and his reports 
are the chief authority for the history of this period. 44 
Padre Juan Sarmiento went to San Francisco Javier 
Satevo in 1665, where his presence quelled threatened 
disturbance. Pedro Escalante about San Felipe 
worked wonders with a relic, extracting with it an 
aching tooth that had resisted all secular instruments. 
Bernabe de Soto served at Tizonazo in 1662. 

In 1668, by Figueroa's report, there were five parti- 
dos, each with its padre, the new pueblos named being 

that he saw other papers, which, like these, he does not name. Cavo, Tres 
Shjlos, ii. 34-5, barely mentions this war. See also Guijo, Diario, 219; Alva- 
rez; Estudios J list., iii. 244-54; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 203-6. 

** Figueroa, Pantos de Anna, 1652-68, in N. Vizcaya, Doc. } iii. 217-30. 
See alao Alegre, ii. 427, 430, 441, 444-8. 


Natividad, San Mateo, and San Ignacio. Spiritually 
all went swimmingly; souls were sent to heaven, the 
friars consoled, and God glorified; even the native 
appetite for strong drink being held in cheek by want 
of corn for distillation. In material wealth and in- 
dustries these five missions were the most flourishing 
in the country. But politically all went amiss; offi- 
cials were careless or corrupt, irregularities went 
unpunished, thefts and even murders were but too 
common. As a nation the Tarahumares were quiet, 
but a few local troubles occurred, and the Tobosos 
continued their raids for plunder. Three such incur- 
sions into Tarahumara territory are noted between 
1652 and 1662; and in 1667 Padre Eodrigo del Casr 
till'o on the road from Inde to his mission of San 
Miguel was stopped by a hostile band. Five Span- 
iards and ten natives with him were killed; but his 
own life was spared, apparently from fear that he 
could in some mysterious way send disaster upon the 
murderers, as they said the Franciscans had done. 
Yet notwithstanding this fear the padre had to bring 
about the peaceful surrender by the guard of a band 
of cattle. He died the next year from grief at this 
event, after completing a new church in honor of 
Saint Michael. 45 

The first extension of the field was in 1673. Dur- 
ing the long interval since Father Basilio's murder 
nothing had been done in the north-west about Fapi- 
gochic and Aguilar; but now, under the miraculous 
protection of San Francisco Javier, the patronage of 
Governor Salcedo, and the valor of Lieutenant-gov- 
ernor Sarria, it was deemed possible to reopen this 
field of labor. After a grand preliminary assemblage 
of political functionaries, military officials, native 
caciques, and Jesuit padres at Huexotitlan on Sep- 

45 Cavo, Trcs SJgIo.% ii. 51, says that the Tarahuinares after fighting 20 
years were defeated in 1071 by 600 men under Capt. Nicolas Barraza ! In 
1G70, according to Apoddlicos Afanes, 227, they were persuaded to be con- 
verted and many missions rose! Rivera, Gob. Max., i. 237, also puts the end 
of the revolt in 1G70. 


tember 30th, fathers Francisco Barrionuevo and Juan 
Manuel Gamboa started the 1st of November attended 
by a few Spaniards and a party of natives under the 
friendly cacique San Pablo. Early in 1674 Barrio- 
nuevo was replaced by Jose Tarda, and the mission 
of San Bernabe was soon founded with its three 
villages of Cuitzochic, Curiguarichic, and Corachic. 40 

A line from Durango in the south to Tutuaca in 
the northern sierra just above the big bend of the 
Yaqui — passing through San Juan del Bio, Tizonazo, 
San Miguel, Parral, Satevo, Concepcion, and Yepo- 
mera — would form in a general way a boundary be- 
tween the Jesuit and Franciscan districts of Nueva 
Vizcaya down to the end of the century. The sera- 
phic order occupied with their scattered convents the 
broad regions of the east and north; but the records 
of their work are even more fragmentary than the 
work itself. This was always a tierra de guerra, 
scourged by Tobosos, Apaches, and other savage 
tribes, having as a rule no other Spanish settlements 
than presidio garrisons. Within this field the Fran- 
ciscans, after the revolt of 1645-6, founded ten or 
twelve missions, several of which were destroyed be- 
fore 1700. Of their progress in the south, that is in 
eastern Durango, nothing is known, save that the 
establishments at Mapimi and Cuencame were prob- 
ably kept up, and that the order had a doctrina at 
San Juan del Bio, where Padre Estevan Benitez with 
a party of soldiers was murdered by the Indians in 
1686. In the central region about San Bartolome 
San Pablo is said to have been reoccupied in 1649, 
San Francisco de Conchos in 1667 — which would im- 
ply a previous abandonment not definitely recorded — 
and Atotonilco at a date not given but after 1663, 
while Julimes was founded in 1691. In 1656 a kind 

46 Alcgre, ii. 463-70. I have added a 'c' to the names, but there is no 
dependence to be placed on the orthography and no apparent possibility of 
fixing the exact localities. 


of branch convent was formed at Parral, causing in 
later years some slight misunderstanding with the 
Jesuits, who claimed exclusive control of Tarahu- 
mara. 47 

Respecting the time when the Franciscans began 
to extend their field toward the north-west we have 
Arlegui's statement that San Antonio de Casas Gran- 
des was founded in 1640, which is doubtless an error. 
He also notes the foundation of Santa Maria de la 
Natividad in 1660, San Pedro Namiquipa in 1663, 
Santiago Babonoyaba in 1665, Santa Isabel Tarci- 
mares in 1668, and San Andres in 1694. 4S From an 
expediente in the archives, the documents of which are 
dated from 1667 to 1669, 49 it appears that in the sec- 
ond year of Governor Beaumont's rule, probably in 
1663, he heard that the people called Sumas of Casas 
Grandes, Torreon, and Carretas, desired padres and 
that the country was in every way adapted to the 
requirements of a mission and settlement. He there- 
fore commanded Captain Andres Garcia to pass over 
from the Bio del Norte and settle there, and obtained 
for the mission a missionary, Padre Andres Baez, 
Paez, or Perez, by paying the expense out of his own 
pocket. Two years later, in 1665, when Antonio 
Valdes became provincial, Pedro Aparicio and Nico- 
las Hidalgo were sent to replace Baez, Beaumont still 
paying their salary of three hundred pesos each, since 
the new governor would not assume the responsibility. 
Aparicio soon died, and in 1667 ex-Governor Beau- 
mont and Governor Oca petitioned the viceroy to 
regularly establish or assume the expense of the 
three doctrinas, claiming that such a course would not 
only promote the spread of Christianity, but was 
essential to the protection of the country and of com- 

"Arlegui, Chron. Zac, 97-8, 103-9, 250-1. P. Antonio Valdes, writing 
April 2!), 1667, iV. \ r /::<■(/ i/a, Doc, iii. 298, speaks of preparations being made 
to resettle San Francisco with 200 Indians and an escort of 20 soldiers from 

yin-6,,. Z«c, 103-9. 

49 N. Vizeaya, Doc, iii. 231-56. The expediente contains 25 documents, 
only a few of which contain any information. 


merce with the coast provinces and New Mexico. 
The district also contained a valuable salina. 50 The 
money and padres were probably supplied at an early 
date as asked for; but we know nothing of subsequent 
events in the north-west, except that Santa Ana del 
Torreon with four pueblos and Santa Maria de las 
Carretas with three were destroyed by Apaches before 
1700. 51 

In 1697 Padre Geronimo Martinez, while making 
a general visita of the Franciscan missions in com- 
pany with Padre Alonso Briones, found a large body 
of natives favorably disposed for salvation, founded 
with them a new pueblo, and left Briones in charge. 
The new mission was called Nombre de Dios, and was 
distant about a league from the site of the modern 
city of Chihuahua, founded early in the next century 
as a real de minas under the name of San Felipe. 52 
In the north-east the settlement of El Paso del Norte 
was founded in connection with the New Mexican 
establishments before the great revolt of 1680. 53 In 
1684, or more likely a few years earlier, three Francis- 

50 Oca's report of Sept. 22d, and Beaumont's of Oct. 23d, in JV. Vizcaya, 
Doc, iii. 232-G. Padre Rua, commissary-general, certifies to the desira- 
bility of the three doctrinas and makes a formal demand for 900 pesos to pay 
three padres. Oct. 11th, ValdCs, the provincial, coiToborates Beaumont's 
statements. Aug. 16th, Capt. Garcia (or Gracia) certifies to having just 
made a trip to Casas Grandes, to its prosperity and zeal for conversion, and 
says P. Juan Balboa has promised to go there. The same persons repeat 
these statements in substance in other communications. The rest of the docu- 
ments are routine 'red tape' references of the matter to various oiiicials, each 
of whom reports that he knows nothing of the subject, but that Mr So-and-iSo 
knows all about it. 

51 Arlecjui, Chrdn. Zac, 103. Padre Valdes writes in April 1G67 that he 
has three padres and is about to start for new conversions. In June he had 
established four and selected sites for eight more. Thousands of souls were 
perishing between Parral and Sinaloa. It is not likely that he refers in these 
letters to the Casas Grandes missions. N. Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 295-300 

62 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 314-15; Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac, 1 07-8. I 
have already noticed Alegre's error in confounding the southern San Felipe 
with San Felipe de Chihuahua. 

5a Capt. Garcia was forming a settlement on the Puo del Norte when 
ordered to Casas Grandes in 1GG3, and it is not unlikely that this settlement 
was that of El Paso. A r . Vizcaya, Doc, iii. 234. Davis, El Gringo, 380, says 
the name was derived from the fact that the river here passes the moun- 
tains. Pike, Explor. Trav., 345, says it was because the Spaniards passed 
hither at the revolt. Not from its being the passage of the river, which 
is fordable anywhere. BartUtVa Nar., i. 184. Of course all this is con- 


cans were sent clown the river from El Paso by Gov- 
ernor Jironza; and as at Junta cle los Pios, or the 
junction of the Conchos and Rio del Norte, the 
natives, Conchos, Julimes, and Chocolomes, seemed 
docile and convertible into Christians; Padre Antonio 
Acebedo remained there to teach, while the others, 
with the escort of soldiers, made a tour in Texas. On 
their return Padre Zavaleta remained with Acebedo, 
retaining also a few northern Indians; but very soon 
the natives revolted, destroyed everything, killed the 
New Mexicans, and turned out the friars without 
food and almost naked, to reach El Paso after much 
suffering. 54 A mission of Sumas was established in 
1683, eight leagues below El Paso, and named Gua-' 
dalupe; but the natives revolted next year, destroyed 
the mission and joined the Janos natives who killed 
Father Beltran at Soledad. 55 Thus incomplete and 
unsatisfactory do we find the seventeenth-century 
annals of northern Chihuahua. 

Returning to the Jesuit field, south and west of 
the line already indicated, we find that at San Bernabe 
Padre Gamboa was replaced in 1675 by Toinas de 
Guadalajara, who with Father Tarda traversed before 
the end of the year the whole region to Yepomera and 
Tutuaca, the northern limit of Jesuit work during the 
century as it was the limit of Tarahumara proper. 
The details of their wanderings are given with con- 
siderable minuteness in a report signed by both 
padres, 50 but do not demand extended notice here. 

jccture, and the most probable origin of the name is certainly from the ford- 
ing of the river at this point on some particular occasion. Still probabilities 
in such cases are often farthest from truth, and there is no direct evidence en 
the point. 

°* Escalante, Carta, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii. torn. iv. 121-2. Paredes, 
Noticias in Id., 213, speaks of an expedition of Mendoza and Padre Lopez 
down to the Junta in 1684. Villa-Seaor, The.atro, ii. 424-5, says the Junta 
missions were founded in 1G60, and were broken up by a revolt two years 
later. The padres, half-dead from exposure, were rescued by the governor at 
Parral and sent back to New Mexico. Some of the converts came to S. Bar- 
tolome to live until 1714. 

55 Escalante, Carta, 121-2. 

66 Guadalajara and Tarda, Tcsttmonio de Carta escrita por los padres .. . 


The narrative is composed for the most part of com- 
monplace adventures, of puerile stories respecting 
miraculous cures and conversions, and of the devil's 
plots against the society of Jesus. The writers con- 
clude at the date of writing that el demonio is now 
overcome, and that with the aid of additional mission- 
aries a grand Jesuit triumph may be secured. During 
the tour and in the spring of 16-76 the work of baptism 
was begun, native teachers were left, and even churches 
begun at Carichic, Papigochic, and Tutuaca ; and these 
with many other villages only awaited the coming of 
resident padres to start out in earnest on their career 
of Christianity. 

Of the coming of these padres and of their acts in 
the north for two years we know nothing, except that 
in 1677 there was a slight misunderstanding between 
the rival orders respecting boundaries. Father Alonso 
Mesa objected to the act of the Jesuits in including 
the Yepomera district within their field. The Jesuits 
claimed it as a part of Tarahumara, and the Francis- 
cans apparently because there were some Conchos 
mixed with the population. The latter alleged an old 
agreement by which the Rio Papigochic, or Yaqui, 
was made the boundary ; but no such document could 
be found when the matter was submitted to superior 
authority. The Franciscan protest was perhaps a 
mere formality; at least it seems to have had no 
practical effect and caused no serious ill-feeling. 57 The 
demands of the two pioneers for help must have re- 
ceived prompt attention, for as early as 1678 we find 
in this new^ northern field — christened mission of San 

al Rev. P. Francisco Jimenez Provincial, etc., in JV. Vizcaya, Doc. iii. 272- 
94; also MS. The letter is dated Feb. 2, 1G76, and there are annexed many 
other papers of a 'red tape' order, and of no value. The villages named as 
having been visited are as follows: Guerucarichic (or Jesus Carichic), S. Jose 
Temaichic, Papigochic, S. Rafael Matachic, Sta Cruz (Mulatos), Triunfo de 
Los Angeles, Yepomera, S. Gabriel, Napabechic, Tutuaca, Paquibeta, Tairachic, 
Tosoborcachic, S. Jose Pachera, Tejareri, Arisiachic, Toserachic, Sacachic, and 
Tomochic. Many of these cannot be exactly located, but some will be found 
on the map. Alegre, Hist. Comj>. Jesus, ii. 471-0, iii. 10-11, follows this re- 
port very closely. 

57 Alegre, Hist. Comx>. Jesus, iii. 16-18. 


Joaquin y Santa Ana and embracing thirty-two pueblos 
in nine partidos — seven missionaries serving about five 
thousand natives with perhaps one hundred Spaniards. 
The new padres were Francisco Celada, Francisco 
Arteaga, Diego Contreras, Antonio Oreha, and Nico- 
las Ferrer. In the south, or Tarahumara Baja — 
thirteen pueblos in five partidos constituting the mis- 
sion of Natividad — five padres were serving over three 
thousand natives and possibly three hundred Span- 
iards. The padres not already named were Francisco 
Valdes, Martin Prado, and Manuel Gutierrez Arteaga. 
These facts are gathered from Zapata's visita already 
referred to for regions farther south and west, and the 
statistics of which I reproduce in a note, since this 
report, while not- altogether accurate, is the only ex- 
isting source of information respecting many of the 
pueblos. 58 

58 Mission of Natividad, or of Tarahumares antiguos, 5 partidos, 3,818 

(1. ) San Miguel de las Bocas, 14 leagues n. w. of Tizonazo, near Rio Florido, 
pop. 236. Under P. Pedro de Escalante, serving 380 persons. Ten estancias 
of Spaniards tended by the padre, but really belonging to the curates of Indd, 
S. Bartolome", and El Oro. 

(2.) San Felipe, 241. n. S. Miguel, 121. from Parral, on Rio Conchos, 
pop. 312; Sta Cruz, G 1. w. S. Felipe, up river, pop. 455; S. Jose, 7 1. N. W. 
(S. Felipe?), called also Salto del Agua, pop. 101. Under P. Francisco Val- 
ue's, serving 1,010. Seven estancias and ranchos of Spaniards, who have no 

(3.) San Pablo, 17 1. S. S. Felipe, up river, pop. 380; San Juan Atotonilco, 
2 1. up river from S. Pablo, pop. 113; S. Mateo, down river (from S. Pablo?), 
pop. 120. Under P. Martin del Prado, serving 033 persons, mostly Tepe- 

(4.) San Ger6nimo Huexotitlan, 7 1. N. E. S. Pablo, 6 1. s. Rio Conchos, 
lo 1. from Parral, pop. 320; S. Ignacio, 5 1. n. S. Geronimo, on Rio Conchos; 
S. Javier, 1 1. N. S. Ignacio, on Rio Conchos, pop. of the two, 434. Under 
PP. Manuel Gutierrez Arteaga and Gabriel del Villar, serving 754 persons. 
One estancia of Spaniards. 

(5.) San Francisco Javier Satevo, 30 1. N. Huexotitlan, 1G 1. N. S. Felipe, 
pop. 51G; Cuevas and rancheria of S. Antonio, 1 1. e. S. Francisco, near Rio 
S. Pedro, pop. 242; S. Lorenzo, 12 1. w. San Francisco, pop. 2SG. Under P. 
Juan Sarmiento, serving 1,134 persons. A few small Spanish estancias. 

Mission of San Joaquin y Santa Ana, 8 partidos: 

(1.) San Francisco de Borja, or S. Joaquin y Sta Ana, 14 1. n. w. Satevo, 
pop. 370; Sta Ana Yeguiachic, 3 1. e. Borja, pop. 504; Guadalupe Saguari- 
chic, 3 1. w. Borja, pop. 286; S. Francisco Javier Parnaguichic, 4 1. s. w. 
Borja, pop. 150. Under P. Francisco de Celada, serving 1,310 persons. 

(2.) Naa Sra de Monserrate Nonoava, 12 1. s. w. (?) Borja, on Rio Uma- 
risac, pop. 209; Nra Sra de Copu cabana Paguarichic, 5 1. n. Nonoava, on 


For the rest of the century, twenty years and more, 
our knowledge of Chihuahua history, in addition to 
what lias already been said of the Franciscan estab- 
lishments, is confined to a few imperfectly recorded 
facts respecting the hostilities of different Indian 
tribes. The savages of the eastern and northern 
frontiers continued almost without cessation their 
raids on pueblos, haciendas, mining camps, and trav- 
ellers. Their system of warfare has been sufficiently 
described, and about these later raids no particulars 
have been preserved. In 1685 the king ordered the 
establishment of three new presidios at Pasaje, Gallo, 
and Conchos, each with a garrison of fifty men in 
addition to the force already stationed at Parral and 
the presidio of Cerro Gordo. A little later there 
were added in the north the presidios of Janos and 

same river, pop. 113. Under P. Francisco de Arteaga, serving 352 persons. 
Several rancherias of gentiles named. 

(3.) Jesus Carichic, or Guanicarichic, 16 1. N. Nonoava, with Paquibeta, 
Tamiria, and Santiago 2 1. down river, pop. 558; San Luis Gonzaga Tagira- 
chic, 4 1. w. Carichic, pop. 41; Concepcion de Papigochic, 3 1. S. Carichic, 
pop. 77; S. Casimiro Bocarinachic, 4 1. s (Concepcion?), pop. 33. Under P. 
Diego de Contreras, serving 700 persons. Several rancherias of gentiles 

(4.) Maria Santisima Sisoguichic, 141. s. w. Carichic, in sierra, pop. 170; 
Asuncion Echoguita, 4 1. N. w. Sisoguichic, pop. 9. Under P. Antonio 
Orena, serving 182 persons. Two days' journey w. is Cuteco, bordering on 
the Guazapares. 

(5.) San Jose' Temaichic, 14 1. N. e. Sisoguichic, pop. 150; San Marcos 
Pichachi, 5 1. W. S. Jose, pop. 11; Sta Posa de Sta Maria Pachera, 3 1. S. 
Jose, pop. 0; S. Juan Toraboreachic, 8 1. e. S. Josd, on road to S. Bernab^, 
pop. 92. Under P. Jos6 de Guevara (non-resident), serving 203 persons. 

(0.) San Bernabe Cuziguariachic, 111. s. E. S. Jose, pop. 327; San Ignacio 
Coyachic, n. E. Cuzig., pop. 406; S. Miguel Napabechic, 9 1. N. Cuzig., pop. 
92. Under P. Jose Tarda (rector), serving 912 persons. Includes the mining 
camp of S. Francisco Saguarichic, 4 1. from S. Miguel. 

(7.) Purisima de Papigochic, 15 1. N. Cuzig., on Pio Yaqui, pop. 224; S. 
Cornelio Paguirachic, 1J 1. S. Pap., pop. 33; Sto Tomas de Villanueva, 4 1. 
N. Pap., pop. 00; S. Pablo Basuchi, 5 1. e. Pap., pop. 100. Under P. Nicolas 
Ferrer, serving 450 persons. 

(8.) Triunfo de Los Angeles Matachic, or San Rafael, 18 1. N. Pap., pop., 
335; S. Miguel Temeschic, 2 1. N. Mat., down river, pop. 04; S. Gabriel 
Yepomera, 1£ 1. n. S. Mig., 5 1. N. Mat., pop. 118; S. Pablo Ocomorachic, 1. 
w. Mat., 5 l."from river, pop. 91. Under P. Tomas de Guadalajara, serving 
748 persons. 

(9.) Jesus del Monte Tutuaca, 22 1. N. w. Matachic, pop. 30 fam.; S. 
Evangelista Tosonachic, 8 1. e. Tutuaca, pop. 35; Santiago Yepachi, 10 1. w. 
(Tutanca?), pop. 40; San Juan Bautista Maquina, 4 1. (Yepachi?), pop. 30. 
Under P. Guadalajara, serving 22G persons. Two hundred and thirty Ovas 
were also baptized in Sonora. Zapata, Relation, iii. 310-43. 
Hist. N. Mex. States, Vol. I. 24 


Casas Grandes, with Fronteras, or Corodeguachi, 
acroKSS the line in Sonora. Forces from these presi- 
dios were constantly on the move against the raiders, 
striving to protect Spanish life and property as well 
as the mission pueblos, pursuing hostile bands, recov- 
ering plunder chiefly in the form of live-stock, occa- 
sionally killing considerable numbers of the foe, or 
more frequently capturing women and children, who 
were for the most part distributed among the soldiers 
as servants or slaves. Captain Juan Fernandez 
Retana particularly distinguished himself in this bor- 
der warfare, and the Spaniards were nearly always 
aided by large bands of native allies. 

The Jesuit missions of Alta Tarahumara, though 
somewhat less exposed than the Franciscan establish- 
ments to outrages of the savages, were nevertheless 
in frequent danger, because the mountains were still 
infested by unconverted Tarahumares who were hardly 
less to be dreaded than the Tobosos of the east or the 
Apaches of the north; in fact it is not unlikely that 
they committed many of the depredations attributed 
to those tribes. There were also one or two attempts 
at general revolt among the Tarahumares and their 
western neighbors in Sonora, which are vaguely 
alluded to rather than described. The most serious 
culminated in 1690, after having been threatened and 
prepared since 1685. The trouble is said to have 
originated in some dissatisfaction of the Tubares 
across the mountains, of whom I shall have more to 
say in another chapter, but soon spread to the Tara- 
humares and Conchos, and there assumed formidable 
proportions. The meetings of the rebels, whose re- 
puted leader was Corosia, were held in the Casas 
Grandes region, whence emissaries were sent to all 
the missions on both sides of the sierra. Warnings 
came to the ears of the missionaries, by whom they 
were sent to the military authorities; but these warn- 
ings were of so general a nature and the points where 
danger was to be apprehended were so vaguely de- 

REVOLT OF 1G90. 371 

fined, and rumors of this kind were so common, that 
no extraordinary or effectual precautions were taken. 
The revolt broke out in April 1G90. Alegre tells 
us it was on April 2d when "the barbarians fell upon 
haciendas, reales de minas, and missions without re- 
sistance, destroying crops, burning buildings, and steal- 
ing all that came within their reach, as far as the 
jurisdiction of Ostimuri, and even to the northern 
frontier of Nueva Galicia." On April 11th Padre 
Juan Ortiz Foronda, at Yepomera, and Padre Manuel 
Sanchez, with Captain Manuel Clavero, on their way 
to Tutuaca, were murdered by the rebels. Villagu- 
tierre speaks of a revolt in which the Indians flayed 
Spaniards alive, and used their skulls for drinking- 
cups, having to be twice subdued by Governor Par- 
diiias. Berrotaran says that the Tarahumares re- 
volted, killing some padres, burning their churches, 
and running away to the mountains, two years being 
required to restore quiet. Cavo calls it a general 
uprising of Tarahumares and Tepehuanes in 1689, who 
killed the Franciscans, three Jesuits, and all the 
Spaniards they could find, the causes of the revolt 
being the oppression of miners and the exhortations 
of native sorcerers. It would seem that Alegre's 
statement must be sreatlv exasperated, for it would 

O Kl J- 5 *- 5 

hardly be possible for so extensive a rebellion to leave 
so slight a record; and this is shown even by the same 
author's remark that only a few Tarahumares were 
concerned, the war being waged mainly by Janos, Jo- 
comes, Chinarras, Sumas, and other savage bands. 
The Pimas of Kino's missions in Sonora were also, 
and very absurdly, accused by many of being involved 
in the matter. I find no evidence that the Tepe- 
huanes were concerned in the revolt, or that any 
Franciscans were killed. 

Captain Salazar from Casas Grandes, Captain Fu- 
ente from Janos, Captain Retana from Conchos, with 
forces from Gallo and Cerro Gordo, under Captain 
Cigalde, and with other companies under captains 


Medina, Salaises, and Mendivil, were ordered at once 
to the scene of the outbreak, and Governor Pardinas 
marched in person from Parral to Papigochic, and 
thence to Yepomera, where his head-quarters were 
fixed. We know nothing of the campaigns by which 
this grand combination of Vizcayan forces proceeded 
to restore peace to the country; but we are told that 
Father Salvatierra, coming up from the old GuazaV 
pare field, where he had kept the western Indians for 
the most part quiet, did more than all the military 
force to brinof back the fugitives to their villages. 
There were subsequent disturbances on the Sonora 
frontier in which the Tarahumares, like the savage 
tribes of Chihuahua, were more or less directly impli- 
cated, but we have no definite information on the 
subject. 59 

b9 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 53-4, 70-3; Vittagutierre, Hist. Ccmq. Ifza, 
210-11; Berrotaran, Informe acerca de los Presidios de N. Viz., 164-/1; 
Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 74-5, 91. The last writer cites A pen dice al Crist iano 
Feliz del Nuratori, relation de Sinaloa, and Huge, Hist. Manuscrita. See 
also Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 266-7; Alvarez, Estudios Hist., iii. 295-301; and 
Zamacois, Hist. Mr]., v. 451-2, all following Cavo or Alegre; also Siyuenza 
y Gdngora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 6. 




Annals of New Mexico — Prosperity, Revolt, and Reconquest — Coa- 
huila — Entries of Salduendo and Larios— The Earliest Missions- 
Founding of Monclova — Rulers — Franciscans from Queretaro and 
Jalisco — Mission Changes — Texas — Resume for Sixteenth Cen- 
tury — Expeditions from New Mexico — Onate in Quivira — The Juma- 
nas— Rio Nueces — Captain Vaca— Martin and Castillo — Country 
of the Tejas — Penalosa's Pretended Entrada — Efforts of Lopez 
and Mendoza — Father Paredes' Report — North-eastern Geog- 
raphy — The Name Texas — French Projects — Penalosa Again— 
La Salle's Expedition — Fort St Louis — Disastrous Fate of the 
Colony — Pestilence and Murder — Spanish Efforts— Barroto's 
Voyages — Leon's Expedition — Second Entrada — Father Masanet 
and his Friars — Missions Founded — Expedition of Governor 
TerAn de los Rios — Nueva Montana de Santander y Santillana — 
Abandonment of Texas. 

In New Mexico, the history of which province is 
merely outlined here to be fully recorded in a later vol- 
ume, prosperity ceased for a time after the conquest of 
1599. Friars and colonists were content; but the cap- 
tain-general, Onate, viewing the new province merely 
as a stepping-stone to grander conquests, shaped his 
policy without reference to the interests of Francis- 
cans, settlers, or natives. A quarrel ensued; drought 
and improvidence brought famine; and Onate returned 
from the north-eastern plains in 1G01 to find the 
country deserted, the colony having retired to Chihua- 
hua. A war on paper in Mexico and Spain resulted 
in the sending-back of the friars to reoccupy the mis- 
sions, in modifying Onate's ambitious schemes, and in 
the furnishing of reinforcements by the aid of which 

(373 } 


the governor in 1604-5 made an exploration westward 
and down the Colorado to its mouth. Subsequently 
and before 1630 Santa Fe was founded, to be the capi- 
tal instead of San Juan. In 1608 nine padres were 
at work; in 1626 there were forty-three churches, and 
baptisms numbered thirty-four thousand. Thirty new 
friars came in 1629; and the next year fifty mission- 
aries were serving sixty thousand converts in ninety 
pueblos. In these years was New Mexico's greatest 
prosperity, though the decline was not very marked 
for half a century ^ a period the annals of which are 
made up of changes in political and military and mis- 
sionary officials, of a few expeditions of defence or 
exploration into the adjoining regions, of two or three 
vaguely recorded and promptly suppressed attempts 
at revolt by the Pueblo converts, and of the usual 
petty items of local mission progress. 

Then came upon the province the greatest disaster 
that ever befell Spain on the northern frontier, if not 
indeed in any part of America. In August 1680, 
during the rule of Governor Otermin, in a general 
and skilfully planned revolt of the neophytes, four 
hundred Spaniards, including twenty-one Franciscan 
friars, were killed, and the survivors were driven out 
of the province, which for more than a decade was 
left in possession of its aboriginalfrowners. The Span- 
iards established themselves at El Paso in the south, 
in which region they did some missionary work as 
already related in this volume, while the New Mexi- 
cans, after a little, fought among themselves, and thus 
threw away their chances for continued independence. 
Otermin and his successors made several rcconnois- 
sances and unsuccessful attempts to reoccupy the 
pueblo towns. In 1692 Governor Vargas retook 
Santa Fe without bloodshed, and received the sub- 
mission of many other towns, but left no garrisons. 
The next year lie returned with a large colony and 
occupied Santa Fe after a hard-fought battle. The 
reconquest was completed after much fighting in 1694; 


the friars resumed their labors; new missions and 
even villas were established. In 1G9G, however, five 
missionaries and twenty other Spaniards lost their 
lives in a new revolt, and many towns were aban- 
doned; but all submitted and were pardoned before 
the end of the year, which may be regarded as the 
date of New Mexico's permanent submission to Span- 
ish rule. The feeble remnants of once powerful na- 
tions made no further organized resistance. The 
western pueblos were yet independent; but with the 
exception of Moqui they renewed their allegiance be- 
fore the end of the century. 

Coahuila in the seventeenth century was the region 
north of latitude 26°, between the Bolson de Mapimi 
on the west and the Rio Grande del Norte on the 
east and north. It did not include the southern 
region of Parras and Saltillo until late in the next 
century. The northern country was visited as we 
have seen in 1603 by Padre Antonio Salduendo, who 
toiled there for two or three years until forced to 
abandon the field by raids of the wild Tobosos. The 
next visit was by Padre Juan Larios, of the Jaliscan 
college of Franciscans, about the year 167 Q. 1 Three 
or four years later other friars of the same province 
came, and the mission of San Miguel de Aguayo was 
founded about 1G75, the exact date being unknown, 
the founding of Nadadores a few leagues distant being 
a year or two later. 2 

1 Morfi,Diario, 421; Orozco y Berra, Carta Etnog., 301; Frcjes, Hist. Breve, 
221-31. Frejes gives many particulars about Larios' operations, bxit of doubt- 
ful authenticity. He says the padre was stopped on the road in Durango 
and forced by strange natives to accompany them. Their first cry was 'Coa- 
huila ' — hence the name. U c was miraculously preserved from Toboso attacks; 
and three years after his entry was joined by padres Estevan Martinez, Man- 
uel de la Cruz, and Juan Barrero. The first missions were then founded with 
the 500 natives subdued by Larios. Also mention in Mexico, Informe de la 
Com. Pesq., 187//, G2. 

a Arze y Porteria, Informe de las Misiones de Coahuila, 1787, 205, says 
there is no record of the date either in mission or government archives. In 
Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 27 Die. 1703, 25-8, the dale of founding S. Miguel is 
1G75 or 1676. The mission of Nadadores is called Nra Sra de Victoria and 
Sta Rosa. Orozco y Berra, ( 'arta Ltitog., 302, says that Santa Rosa de JSfada- 


It was about 1676 that Bishop Santa Cruz of Gua- 
dalajara extended his diocesan visit to this country, 
and established four new pueblos, distributing grain 
and live-stock, and perhaps sending some Tlascaltec 
families to serve as models to the natives. 3 In 1682 
came Bishop Leon Garavito, who founded a cofradia 
at San Miguel and gave some live-stock and blankets 
for a hospital. 4 

Rumors of French encroachments, of which I shall 
have more to say in this chapter, impelled the viceroy 
in 1687 to establish the villa and presidio of Santiago 
de Monclova, named for himself, and often called 
Villa de Coahuila. The site was half a league from 
San Miguel, and the colony sent consisted of one. 
hundred and fifty families, including two hundred 
and seventy armed men. 5 The comandante was prob- 
ably Captain Andres de Leon, who at least was gov- 
ernor of the province a year or two later. Leon made 
two entradas to Texas, to be noted later; and was 
succeeded by Domingo Teran de los Bios, who in 
1691 was made governor of Coahuila and Texas, but 
retired to Mexico in 1692. Whether he returned to 
Coahuila is not clear; but Francisco Cuervo y Valdes 
and Pedro Babago de Teran are mentioned as gov- 
ernors about the end of the century and beginning of 
the next. 6 

(lores was first founded in 1G77, 40 leagues n. W. of Coahuila, moved to near 
the i^iver Nadadores on account of Toboso raids, and finally in 1093 with the 
addition of eight Tlascaltec families on the site 7 1. N. W. of Coahuila. The 
same author names San Francisco de Coahuila^ 1. N". of Monclova, no date; 
and San Buenaventura de las Cuatro Cienegas, founded by P. Manuel de la 
( !ruz in 1G73 (?) 20 1. w. of Coahuila, moved G 1. nearer to Contotortes, aban- 
doned, and reestablished in 1693, 1.5 1. from Nadadores, where it remained 
until 1747. 

3 Igledas yConv., lid., 293; Dice. Univ., iv. 376; Arzey Porter fa, Informe, 
205-8. According to the latter the natives soon abandoned Nadadores to the 

* Garcia, Informe aeerca de las Misiones del Rio Grande. 21-2; Arze y 
Porteria, Inf., 296-7. See also mere mention of the Coahuila missions in 
1674 and 1678, in Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 244, 249. 

3 Rivera, (Sol). Mex.,i. 262; Id., Hist. Jala-pa, i. 101; Zamacois, Hist. Mej. t 
v. 4 M3; Larenaudiere, Mex. Gnat., 227; Mayer's Mex. Aztec., i. 217; Espinosa, 
Cr6 \ica, 409, 4G7; Doc. Hist. Tex., MS., 58. 

6 Garcia, Informe, 37-8; Espinosa, Crdn., 408, 4G3-4; Gavo, Tres Siglos, 
ii. 70; Guerra entre Mex. y Ed. Un., 8; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon. p. iii, 



After the founding of Monclova the Jaliscan friars 
continued their labors; and the Queretaro Franciscans 
also entered this field. Padre Damian Masanet of 
the latter had established a mission as early as 1688; 
and in the same year fathers Francisco Hidalgo, Fran- 
cisco Estevez, and Escaray came to Monclova. Not 


being encouraged